WorldCat Identities

Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd

Overview
Works: 67 works in 86 publications in 1 language and 3,229 library holdings
Roles: Interviewer, Narrator, Thesis advisor
Classifications: hv6457, 364.660924
Publication Timeline
Key
Publications about Jacquelyn Dowd Hall Publications about Jacquelyn Dowd Hall
Publications by Jacquelyn Dowd Hall Publications by Jacquelyn Dowd Hall
Most widely held works by Jacquelyn Dowd Hall
by ( Book )
11 editions published between and 1993 in English and held by 1,112 libraries worldwide
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 25 libraries worldwide
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 25 libraries worldwide
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 16 libraries worldwide
Igal Roodenko was born to first-generation immigrants in New York City in 1917. Throughout the 1930s, Roodenko was drawn to leftist politics and pacifism. He describes the internal dilemma that he and other pacifists faced as they sought to reconcile their ideals of non-violence with their belief that Hitler's regime warranted opposition. Ultimately, Roodenko became a conscientious objector during the conflict. Rather than facing a prison sentence for his refusal to bear arms, Roodenko spent most of World War II in a camp for conscientious objectors. Increasingly involved in leftist politics during the war, Roodenko participated in hunger strikes while at the camp and eventually did serve time in prison. Following the war, he utilized his experiences with peace groups and Ghandian non-violence to become a leader in the burgeoning civil rights movement. Roodenko speaks at length about his participation in the Journey of Reconciliation (1947). Already a member of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Roodenko helped to organize the Journey, an interracial endeavor to test the Supreme Court's ruling in the Irene Morgan case (1946) as it applied to public transportation in the South. Roodenko describes the strategies CORE employed as they tested segregation policies on buses for Trailways and Greyhound. In Chapel Hill, North Carolina, Roodenko and fellow activists were arrested for refusing to abide by the bus driver's demand that black and white passengers not sit together. He recalls the threat of mob violence against the activists and the role of Chapel Hill minister Charles Jones in helping them escape town safely. Roodenko and the other CORE activists lost their court appeal and he spent 30 days working on a segregated chain gang in North Carolina. His recollections in this interview help to illuminate activist strategies, interracial cooperation, and reasons for limited success as the civil rights movement began to build momentum in the late 1940s.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 15 libraries worldwide
Septima Clark was a teacher and citizen's education director for the Highlander Folk School and Southern Christian Leadership Conference. She also worked with the South Carolina Council on Human Relations, YWCA, and American Friends Service Committee. This interview covers her childhood in Charleston, SC, and her family's efforts to survive poverty and racial prejudice. Her mother was a washerwoman reared in Haiti, and her father was a former slave on the Poinsett plantation. Her first job as a teacher on John's Island (1916-19) led to her early activism with the NAACP, her friendship with Judge and Mrs. Waring, and her work with the Charleston YWCA. She married Nerie David Clark as an act of rebellion against her parents, but she chose not to remarry after his early death. She attended college in Columbia, returned to Charleston in 1947, and lobbied for the first local credit union to serve black workers. After she lost her teaching position in 1956 due to her NAACP membership, she worked for the Highlander Folk School encouraging voter registration and education. The SCLC hired her to form education programs, but her plans for increasing community involvement, protecting the labor rights of black teachers, and educating black voters were often ignored because she was female. The interview ends with her thoughts on why she started receiving more recognition for her work in the mid-1970s.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 15 libraries worldwide
This interview covers three separate conversations with Clark Foreman regarding his career in race relations, public service, and politics. His childhood in Georgia and his travels in Europe led to his work for the Commission on Interracial Cooperation in Atlanta with Will Alexander. His enduring reputation as a radical and rumored communist began during his tenure with the Phelps-Stokes and Julius Rosenwald Funds. He acted out his growing commitment to integration and political equality while supervising New Deal projects for the Department of the Interior, the state parks, the interdepartmental committee on Negro affairs, and the power division of the Public Works Authority. This interview also addresses his attempts to provide more public housing for African Americans, and his opinion of leadership styles within the Interracial Commission and the Southern Conference for Human Welfare. He explains why the Southern Conference needed to endorse the Henry Wallace 1948 campaign, even though it was unsuccessful. He also compares the contributions of socialists and communists to the Southern Conference at state and national levels. Foreman lost jobs over false reports that he endorsed communism or was too aggressive in his work. The interview concludes with comments by Clark and Mairi Foreman about his work with Black Mountain College, the Navy, and the National Citizens PAC, especially focusing on how his children developed radical views during those years.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 15 libraries worldwide
Arthur Raper was a noted Southern sociologist and civil rights activist. During the late 1920s and 1930s, Raper served as the research director for the Commission on Interracial Cooperation, based in Atlanta, Georgia. Focusing primarily on those years in this interview, Raper speaks at length about his interactions with Jessie Daniel Ames and the role of the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching within the Commission's broader program. Describing the ASWPL as a relatively small, independent branch of the Commission, Raper argues that Ames was both an effective and contentious leader. He describes her as an "excessive feminist" in this interview, explaining that she advocated for the importance and necessity of separate women's groups in dealing with social problems such as lynching. While Raper indicates that this stance was beneficial in allowing Ames to garner support for her declaration that white southerners ought not to use racist violence to "protect" white southern womanhood, he also suggests repeatedly that Ames' outspoken nature and ambition generated tensions between her and the male leaders of the Commission, including executive director Will Alexander and director of education Robert Eleazer. Raper cites only one instance in which he came into conflict with Ames: he argues that she sought to sabotage his testimony during the Senate hearings on the Wagner-Van Nuys federal anti-lynching bill because the bill did not reflect her views on how to best combat lynching. Raper concludes by discussing the contributing role of the ASWPL in the declining number of lynchings during the 1930s, and the exclusion of African American women from the organization. Researchers might find particularly interesting the ways in which Raper's assessment of both the negative and positive aspects of Jessie Daniel Ames reveal the underlying tensions and assumptions that characterized the challenges women faced in public roles during that era.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 15 libraries worldwide
Josephine Wilkins was born in Athens, Georgia, in 1893. Raised in a religious family, Wilkins began to challenge authority at a young age. She was educated at the Lucy Cobb Institute in Athens before being sent to "finishing school." In the mid-1920s, after finishing her degree at the University of Georgia, she went to New York City to study art at the New York School of Fine and Applied Arts. While there she took a course in social science at Columbia University and decided to work more closely with people. In 1925, she moved back to Athens, Georgia, to work for the Georgia Children's Code Commission and worked on passing child labor laws. Around this time, Wilkins became increasingly involved in the League of Women's Voters and, by 1934, she had been elected as the organization's state president. In 1937, Wilkins received a grant from the Rosenwald Foundation, which she used to start the Citizen's Fact Finding Movement (1937-1940) in order to promote awareness of issues pertinent to Georgia and its relationship to the South in general. In addition to describing her involvement in the League of Women's Voters and the Citizen's Fact Finding Movement, Wilkins describes her perception of and involvement in the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, founded in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1938. According to Wilkins, the Southern Conference sparked concern among government officials for its leftist leanings. Wilkins explains how communism was certainly a present, if not predominant, thread in the Southern Conference until the rise of McCarthyism in the early 1950s. Wilkins also discusses her friendship with Jessie Daniel Ames and Ames's anti-lynching organization, the Commission of Interracial Cooperation which disintegrated and was succeeded by the Southern Regional Council in 1944. She remained involved on the executive board of the SRC until her death in 1977.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 15 libraries worldwide
Dr. Guy Johnson was a UNC professor of sociology, an author, and the first executive director of the Southern Regional Council. This interview focuses on his work with that organization and with the North Carolina Committee for Interracial Cooperation in the 1920s and 1930s. Johnson also promoted the education of blacks in the 1920s with Dr. N.C. Newbold, and he discusses other colleagues in that endeavor. Johnson describes the annual meetings of the Interracial Commission and the role of women and church groups in the organization, especially Gertrude Weil, Mrs. W. H. Newell and Charlotte Hawkins Brown. Johnson's growing dissatisfaction with the Interracial Commission led him to accept the leading role in the Southern Regional Council (SRC) in 1943. He describes the forced resignation of one of its key members, Mrs. Jessie Daniel Ames, and some of the work she did in the early days of the SRC. As the new director, Johnson dealt with the difficulties in staffing and financing the SRC. He also witnessed controversy among the people with board membership in the SRC and the Committee on Interracial Cooperation. The issue of segregation proved highly contentious for the SRC, leading to disagreements among black and white members. Among the activities of the SRC during the first year were attempts at mass membership and the creation of publications. These activities also fueled conflicts between the SRC and the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, a more radical organization. The interview concludes with Johnson's analysis of the influence of foreign politics in the Southern Conference and the attempts of the SRC to emphasize and deal with post-war economic problems of the South as well as the racial issue. His wife, historian Dr. Guion Johnson, also contributed to this interview.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
This is the second interview in a series of two with Modjeska Simkins, an African American activist from South Carolina. In the first interview (G-0056-1), Simkins briefly described her family background, her childhood, and spoke about her work with the South Carolina Interracial Commission, primarily during the 1920s and 1930s. Here, she elaborates on her family background and upbringing before describing in great detail her work with the NAACP and the Richland County Citizens' Committee. Simkins begins by describing her childhood, spent primarily in Columbia, South Carolina, although there were times when her father's reputation as an accomplished bricklayer led them to other areas in the South, including Huntsville, Alabama. Simkins explains that her family was prosperous, and she emphasizes that her parents imbued her with a sense of responsibility to help those less advantaged. Simkins attended Benedict College for her primary through post-secondary education. Following her graduation with a bachelor's degree in 1921, Simkins taught at Benedict for a year before accepting a position teaching at Booker Washington High School in Columbia. She taught at Booker until 1929. Over the course of the 1920s, Simkins became more involved in social causes, primarily via her membership in the South Carolina Commission on Interracial Cooperation and the NAACP. She continued this work into the 1930s, during which time she was employed by the South Carolina Tuberculosis Association. Until 1942, Simkins worked for the TB Association, helping to educate people about health-related issues. Increasingly, however, Simkins lamented not being able to focus more explicitly on what she saw as more pressing issues for African Americans. In 1942, she took a position with the NAACP and served as the state secretary until 1956. Simkins describes in detail her role in the NAACP's shift towards direct legal action in taking on school segregation. In addition, she describes how she helped to organize a boycott in Orangeburg County around 1956 following the Brown decision and a white backlash against it in that community. Despite her support for the NAACP's legal work, however, Simkins was becoming alienated from the NAACP by the mid-1950s. She left the NAACP to become the public relations director for the Richland County Citizens' Committee. At the time of the interview, Simkins was still serving in this capacity. She spends the final portion of the interview describing her work with the Richland County Citizens' Committee, focusing on their involvement in state politics, their role in efforts to desegregate the Palmetto State Hospital in 1965, and with the integration of Columbia public schools. Throughout the interview, Simkins offers telling anecdotes about the nature of racial tensions and its consequences, the inner workings of civil rights organizations like the NAACP and the Richland County Citizens' Committee, and relationships between leaders of the movement and their related organizations.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
Louise Young was born in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1892, and grew up there with her seven siblings. The Young family highly valued education, and Louise and her brothers and sisters were all expected to attend college (Vanderbilt University for the boys, Vassar College for the girls). Young, however, attended Vanderbilt with her brothers. Vanderbilt had become a coeducational institution, although men still constituted a disproportionate majority of the student body. While at Vanderbilt, Young studied to become a teacher, graduating at the age of 16. She spent the next three years working towards her graduate degrees while studying on fellowship at the University of Wisconsin and Bryn Mawr College. While living in the North, Young became increasingly cognizant of her own lack of knowledge of the nature of race relations in the South and became determined to better understand and combat racial injustice. Having grown up in a Methodist home with relatively progressive racial politics, Young explains that her upbringing had led her to believe in the basic equality of all people, although she acknowledges that others with similar backgrounds did not share her progressive views on race at that time. In 1919, Young accepted a position teaching at Paine College, an African American institution of higher learning, in Augusta, Georgia. She taught there for several years and describes what it was like to work with a predominantly African American faculty. In 1922, Young resigned from her post at Paine College and was hired as the Dean of Women at the Hampton Institute in Virginia, where she continued her work in African American education. She suggests that racial dynamics at Hampton Institute were different from those at Paine College because of the role of white educators from the North. Three years later, in 1925, Young was appointed director of the Department of Home Missions at Scarritt College for Christian Workers in Nashville, Tennessee. Young explains that her position essentially was geared towards facilitating race relations between students at Scarritt College and Fisk University in Nashville. In particular, she worked with white students at Scarritt who were commissioned by the church to draw in African American membership and to work within the community to promote better relationships between the races. Young held this position for more than thirty years--she discusses in great detail the role of women's church groups (especially in relationship to men's groups), dynamics between students at Scarritt and at Fisk, and efforts of the Home Missions Department to advocate for integration in Nashville. In addition, Young describes her involvement with women's groups, such as the YWCA and the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching, and her support of labor activism during the 1930s and 1940s, specifically as espoused by the Highland Folk School in Tennessee. Throughout the interview, Young consistently emphasizes themes of social justice in relationship to race, gender, and class.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
Grace Towns Hamilton was born in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1907. She begins with a brief overview of her family history, describing her family's roots in Georgia and Virginia and her possible connection to a woman enslaved by Governor George Towns, the secessionist governor of Georgia from 1847-1851. By the time Hamilton was born, her mother and father had settled in Atlanta, where her father taught at Atlanta University. While her father was active at the university and the NAACP, Hamilton's mother focused on community activities, namely the Gate City Kindergarten Association. Hamilton recalls her childhood years with fondness, stressing the racially integrative nature of the Atlanta University community. In fact, it was not until she left Atlanta in 1927 to take a job with the YWCA in Columbus, Ohio, that she first became aware of racial segregation and discrimination. Hamilton had been actively involved with the YWCA during her college years at Atlanta University, and she explains how although the YWCA continued to have racially segregated conventions, the organization was more progressive than others during those years. She accepted the position in Ohio so that she could go to graduate school. Hamilton spent time in Memphis, Tennessee, during the 1930s and early 1940s. By 1943, she returned to Atlanta, where she soon became the director of Atlanta's branch of the Urban League. Hamilton held this position until 1960. She describes her focus on investigating inequalities in segregated education, on advocating for voter registration, and in providing access to housing for African Americans. In addition to discussing her extensive work with the YWCA and the Urban League, Hamilton also addresses her association with such organizations as the Southern Tenant Farmers Union and the Southern Regional Council, as well as her perception of and relationship with other leading activists of the era. Hamilton concludes the interview with a brief discussion of the sit-in movement of 1960 in Atlanta and her election to the Georgia state legislature in 1965.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
Howard Kester was born in Virginia in 1904. Raised by his father, a merchant tailor and Klansman, and his religious mother, Kester left home to attend Lynchburg College during the early 1920s. During his time in college, Kester had the opportunity to tour war-torn Europe in 1923. After witnessing the devastation that World War I had wrought on Europe, Kester became a pacifist and abided by that philosophy for the rest of his life. Upon his return to Lynchburg, he became increasingly interested in race problems in the South. Likening the plight of Jews in Eastern Europe to that of African Americans in the South, Kester helped to organize the first interracial student group in the South. He describes in this interview how his efforts to find locales for interracial student meetings were often met with fierce opposition in the community. After graduating from Lynchburg, Kester continued to work for social justice causes. In addition to his hope of eliminating racial hatred, Kester became an advocate of the labor movement and began to seek ways of uniting African American and white workers in the South. During the 1920s and 1930s, Kester worked with such groups as the Fellowship of Reconciliation and the Fellowship of Southern Churchmen. In the early 1930s, he worked closely with the NAACP in order to investigate incidents of lynching throughout the South. Around the same time, he began to work closely with the Southern Tenant Farmers Union, helping to establish the Delta and Providence Farms. Throughout the interview, Kester emphasizes the importance of his Christian faith and his adherence to the Social Gospel to his thoughts on social justice. In the early 1930s, Kester joined the Socialist Party, but remained fiercely opposed to Communism and its infiltration into the labor movement because he believed it was not in tune with Christian values. Kester's recollections throughout the interview are revealing of the problems of race and labor in the South during these years. Moreover, he offers illuminating anecdotes and insightful assessments of other social justice leaders such as Reinhold Niebuhr, Will Alexander, Jesse Daniel Ames, Will Campbell, and his wife, Alice Harris Kester.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
Ruth Vick joined the Southern Regional Council (SRC) in the 1940s, becoming its only black employee at the time, and rising through the ranks to become a board member at the time of the interview. In her lengthy conversation with two interviewers, Vick discusses decades of SRC history, describing its leadership, organizational details, internal politics, and the SRC's place in the growing civil rights movement. The SRC supported the direct action civil rights movement that emerged in force in the 1950s and 1960s but chose study over sit-ins as a means of change. Vick devotes a great deal of time to discussing the role of African Americans within the organization. The SRC was not immune to the pervasive racism of the segregated South, and African Americans struggled for recognition and equal treatment within the organization. This interview will be most useful to researchers interested in some of the organizational details of the Southern Regional Council.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
George F. Dugger, Sr., had practiced law in Elizabethton, TN, for fifty-five years at the time of this interview. After detailing his family history, he describes his involvement in the dispute over unionization at the Elizabethton rayon plant. As the plant's lawyer, he worked both for and against unionization. In 1936, he helped smooth unionization at the plant, protecting a union leader's identity. But during a 1929 strike he worked with mill management to return strikers to their jobs. Most of this interview focuses on that strike, which turned violent as strikers attacked Dugger, the police attacked strikers, and Elizabethton citizens assaulted at least one union leader. This interview provides a useful, if sometimes difficult to interpret, account of the 1929 Elizabethton rayon plant strike and will be of interest to any researcher concerned with this incident. Dugger has a remarkable family history. Researchers interested in learning about five generations of the Dugger family, stretching back 239 years, should read the first few pages of this interview.
by ( Book )
1 edition published in in English and held by 14 libraries worldwide
This is the first part of a two-part interview with union activist Eula McGill. McGill describes what it was like to grow up in various mill towns in Georgia and Alabama during the early twentieth century. Born in Resaca, Georgia, in 1911, McGill grew up in Sugar Valley, Georgia, where her father worked in the Gulf State steel mill. McGill describes her childhood and early education in this mill town, focusing on her early awareness of union activism in the town. At the age of 14, McGill had to leave school because of her family's economic hardships; she found work in a textile mill as a spinner in the Dwight textile mills. During her teen years, McGill continued to work in textile mills, during which time she briefly married and gave birth to a son. Because she had to work, McGill's parents became the primary caregivers for her child. In the late 1920s, McGill moved to Birmingham, Alabama, where she briefly worked at the candy counter at Kress's department store. Shortly thereafter, McGill migrated to Selma, Alabama, where she returned to the textiles industry as a spinner at Selma Manufacturing. McGill describes working during the early years of the Depression, when it became increasingly difficult to make ends meet. During the early 1930s, McGill became involved in labor activism and helped to organize a local union and general strike in 1934. Following that, she moved up in the ranks of the labor movement as a labor organizer. She emphasizes her work with the Women's Trade Union League and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers' Union. In addition, she explains some of the obstacles that the labor movement faced in the South and what it was like to be a single woman who worked as a labor organizer.
 
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Like a family : the making of a Southern cotton mill world
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English (86)
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