WorldCat Identities

Rapoport, Ronald

Works: 15 works in 44 publications in 1 language and 2,834 library holdings
Roles: Author, Editor, Thesis advisor, Other
Publication Timeline
Most widely held works by Ronald Rapoport
Three's a crowd : the dynamic of third parties, Ross Perot, & Republican resurgence by Ronald Rapoport( )

15 editions published between 2005 and 2014 in English and held by 1,946 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"For those wanting someone to blame for the Republican resurgence that began with the 1994 congressional elections, Rapoport and Stone have an answer: blame the third-party presidential candidacies of H. Ross Perot in 1992 and 1996. They argue that successful third parties at the presidential level have the opportunity to have a substantial impact on the two-party system. The common analogy is that a third party is like a bee: it stings and then dies. The sting hurts one of the major parties. If a third party has a large and identifiable issue constituency, ensuring the major parties' bid for the support of its members, and if the party that 'wins' the third-party supporters is changed, then the 'dynamic of third parties' has contributed to the continued evolution of the American party system. Third parties, as the authors note, appear only when there is unhappiness with one or both of the two major parties. The authors have produced a near-mountain of empirical evidence to support their dynamic of third-parties theory. Summing up: Recommended. General readers, lower-division undergraduates through faculty."--W.K. Hall, Bradley University -- Choice, October 2006
The Life of the parties : activists in presidential politics by Ronald Rapoport( Book )

9 editions published between 1986 and 2015 in English and held by 759 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Commentators, especially since the Democratic party reforms following 1968, have expressed serious concerns about the role of party activists in the American political system. Have they become so concerned with ideological purity that they are unable to nominate strong candidates? Are activists loyal only to particular interest groups, with little concern for the parties as institutions? Are the reformed nominating procedures open to takeover by new activists, who exit the party immediately after the presidential nominations fight? With such an unrepresentative set of activists, can parties ad
Party activists in Virginia : a study of delegates to the 1978 senatorial nominating conventions by Alan Abramowitz( Book )

1 edition published in 1981 in English and held by 46 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Activists in the United States Presidential Nomination Process, 1980-1996 by Alan I Abramowitz( )

4 editions published in 1994 in English and No Linguistic content and held by 28 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This data collection provides information on party activist involvement in the presidential nomination process. Surveys of caucus attendees and convention delegates were initially conducted in 1980 at the state conventions in Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Maine, Missouri, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, and Virginia. Delegates from both parties were polled on a variety of issues, including their opinions on candidate qualities, such as record of achievement, moral character, performance on television, knowledge of foreign policy, and most important quality for a candidate. In addition, information was gathered on the party position held by the respondent, degree and type of party participation, opinions on state and national leaders, reasons for being involved in the presidential nomination process, choice for presidential candidate, and membership in other organizations. In 1984, surveys were distributed at the Democratic state conventions in Iowa and Virginia. In 1988, delegates to both the Democratic and Republican state conventions in Iowa and Virginia were polled. Caucus attendees of both parties also completed surveys in 1984 and 1988 in Iowa, Michigan, and Virginia. Other areas of inquiry included attitudes toward the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, affirmative action, and military spending. Demographic characteristics of respondents, such as religion, ethnicity, education, employment, and income, are provided. In 1992, surveys were distributed to both Democratic and Republican state conventions in Iowa and Virginia. Areas of inquiry included attitudes toward abortion, affirmative action, the federal budget, a national health plan, foreign imports, the environment, United States involvement around the world, congressional term limits, the gasoline tax, homosexuals in the military, taxes, and the death penalty. Respondents were also asked to ev ... Cf.:
National Survey of Callers to the Perot 1-800 Numbers, 1992 by Ronald B Rapoport( )

3 editions published in 1999 in English and No Linguistic content and held by 27 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This survey of a national sample of callers to the H. Ross Perot 1-800-number telephone bank queried respondents regarding the 1992 presidential campaign and election, their level of involvement in candidate campaigns, and their stance on a range of political and social issues. The data were collected in two waves, with the first survey fielded in early September 1992, after Perot had dropped out of the presidential race on July 16, 1992, and the second survey fielded following the November 3, 1992, presidential and general election. A series of questions addressed the current and former campaigns of President George Bush, Vice President Dan Quayle, Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, Tennessee Senator Al Gore, Reform Party founder Ross Perot, retired Vice Admiral James Stockdale, conservative commentator Pat Buchanan, Nebraska Senator Bob Kerrey, former California Governor Jerry Brown, former Massachusetts Senator Paul Tsongas, Reverend Jesse Jackson, Iowa Senator Tom Harkin, Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, and Texas Senator Lloyd Bentsen. Respondents were asked for their overall opinions of each of these candidates. They were also asked whether they had in the past or would in the future actively campaign for the candidates, make financial contributions to their campaign funds, and/or encourage others to volunteer for the campaigns. Respondents' views were also sought on abortion, affirmative action, national health insurance, a balanced budget, limits on foreign imports, government regulation of pollution, decreased United States involvement in foreign affairs, term limits, a federal gas tax, and Social Security benefits. Respondents surveyed after the November election were asked additional questions regarding voter choice and and the outcome of the general election. Background information on respondents includes age, sex, race, political party, political orie ... Cf.:
If the party's over, who are all those people wearing funny hats? : or incentives for activism in the 1980 presidential nominating campaign by Alan Abramowitz( Book )

1 edition published in 1982 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Adolescent political thinking: stability and constraint by RONALD B RAPOPORT( Book )

2 editions published in 1977 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Sex and the survey respondent : toward a substantive interpretation of "don't know" responses by Ronald Rapoport( Book )

1 edition published in 1980 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The more things change the more they stay the same examining gender differences in political attitude expression, 1952-2000 by Lonna Rae Atkeson( )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Sex differences in attitude expression : a generational explanation by Ronald B Rapoport( )

1 edition published in 1982 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Why trust really matters : how Americans' declining trust in government may be altering the ideological landscape by Devin Callison Braun( Book )

1 edition published in 2012 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

This paper attempts to update our awareness of consequences that trust in government can have on the American ideological landscape. Collectively, recent influential research by Hetherington (2005), Rudolph and Evans (2005), and Rudolph (2009) has shown that low trust in government makes people less willing to make material and ideological sacrifices when evaluating their support for government programs. This tendency exerts a bottom-up effect on the legislative process, tending to, though not exclusively, drown out liberal policymaking. My research extends the "Polarization of Trust" argument from Hetherington (2005) and analyzes the trust in government and political ideology variables of the Panel Studies from the American National Election Studies (ANES) since 1978. At several survey points during the last 30 years, Americans' low trust in government has rarely had a statistically significant, appreciable effect in explaining increases in all Americans' political conservatism, although stronger such effects often exist with regard to ideological moderates. Though a discussion of what causes political trust and of whether or not trust in government is wholly desirable is absolutely necessary, it is by and large outside the purview of this material. This paper's findings suggest that the recent political gains from any recent erosion in trust in government have been small and ambiguous, though among moderates have been in favor of conservatives
Disadvantage and self-interest : social class and policy preferences by Andrew M Engelhardt( Book )

1 edition published in 2013 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

This thesis examines what circumstances compel individuals to take policy preferences in line with their objective self-interest. In particular, I argue that social class plays an important role in shaping individuals' policy preferences. Whereas recent work in political science has examined social class from the perspective of socioeconomic status, I contend that conceptualizing social class as a group identity plays an important complementary role. I show that social class identification has a statistically and substantively significant effect--comparable to changes in partisanship, ideology, and income--on individuals' preferences for a policy related to their economic situation. Ignoring social class identification when evaluating class effects prevents us from fully understanding individuals' preferences, a weakness especially consequential amidst concerns about politicians' responsiveness to low-income people
It's Perot stupid! : the legacy of the 1992 Perot movement in the major-party system by Walter J Stone( )

1 edition published in 2001 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Like mother, like daughter : intergenerational transmission of DK response rates by Ronald B Rapoport( )

1 edition published in 1985 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

A model for disaggregating political change by Ronald Rapoport( )

1 edition published in 1994 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

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The Life of the parties : activists in presidential politics
The Life of the parties : activists in presidential politics
Alternative Names
Rapoport, Ronald B.

English (42)