WorldCat Identities

Simon, Jeffrey 1942-

Overview
Works: 79 works in 258 publications in 1 language and 9,532 library holdings
Genres: Conference papers and proceedings  History 
Roles: Author, Editor, Interviewee
Classifications: UA646.3, 355.03304
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works by Jeffrey Simon
NATO enlargement : opinions and options by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

17 editions published between 1995 and 2002 in English and held by 493 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This Forum focuses on the following topics: The guidelines and paths of NATO enlargement; how enlargement has occurred historically, how enlargement might occur through the EU/WEU path, and finally through the Partnership for Peace (PFP) program. The implications of NATO enlargement from the perspectives of the WEU Associated Partners Poland, Romania, and Lithuania; and from the perspectives of Former Soviet Union (FSU) states Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus. Finally the various aspects of how the Alliance needs to change to accommodate new members; what political adjustments, military command alterations, and military infrastructure changes would be necessary
Central European civil-military relations and NATO expansion by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

12 editions published between 1995 and 2004 in English and held by 478 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Partial contents include: NATO Expansion; Past as Prologue; Germany: One People, One State, One Army; Republic of Poland; Hungary; Czechoslovakia: From Unity to Federation and Divorce; The Czech Republic; Slovakia; and, Prologue as Future: What Central Europe Needs To Do
European security policy after the revolutions of 1989 by Institute for National Strategic Studies( Book )

11 editions published between 1991 and 2001 in English and held by 449 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

NATO-Warsaw Pact force mobilization by National Defense University( Book )

10 editions published between 1988 and 1991 in English and Undetermined and held by 443 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Forfattere: Jeffrey Simon; John J. Yurechko; Karl H. Lowe; Michael J. Deane; Peter A. Wilson; Douglas A. Macgregor; Christopher D. Jones; Phillip A. Karber; John H. Milam; Diego A. Ruiz Palmer; David C. Isby; Les Griggs; Ivan Volgyes; Zoltan Barany; Robert R. Ulin; Peter M. E. Volten; Daniel N. Nelson; George W. Price; Christian Thune; og Tonne Huitfeldt
Cohesion and dissension in Eastern Europe : six crises by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

8 editions published in 1983 in English and held by 327 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Security implications of SDI : will we be more secure in 2010? by National Defense University( Book )

10 editions published between 1989 and 1992 in English and held by 324 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The current debate as to whether the Strategic Defense Initiative will make this nation more secure by the year 2010 rests on the question of whether such weapons might be developed and deployed by that time. The question is a complex one, involving political commitment, economic strength, and technological accomplishment, as well as international conditions. But if SDI is assumed to play even a minor role in US national strategy, then the needs of that strategy for the next century must be anticipated now. this is an anthology of the views of specialists on the issue. What they see varies according to assumptions and forecasts in such areas as technological feasibility and the progress of arms control. They agree that SDI would have inescapable consequences for our force structure and relations with our allies and adversaries. They offer insights from their particular areas of expertise. Different conclusions about SDI and the long-range security of the United States are presented. (mm)
NATO enlargement and Central Europe : a study in civil-military relations by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

11 editions published between 1996 and 2002 in English and held by 320 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Dotyczy m. in. Polski
Warsaw Pact forces : problems of command and control by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

7 editions published in 1985 in English and held by 312 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Oprindelse; USA, Sovjetunionen, supermagternes mening; Khrushchev-tiden, 1955-1964; Nationalisme, doktrin og træning, Oktoberstorm, 1965-1967; Tjekkoslovakiet, 1968; Konflikt, 1969-71; Helsingfors, 1972-1975; Efter Helsingfors, 1976-1979; Afghanistan og Polen; Politisk og militær udvikling siden 1980; Erfaringer
Security implications of nationalism in Eastern Europe( Book )

11 editions published between 1984 and 1986 in English and held by 289 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Czechoslovakia's "velvet divorce," Visegrad cohesion, and European fault lines by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

9 editions published between 1993 and 1994 in English and held by 269 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The separation of the Czech and Slovak Federated Republic (CSfR) into the Czech Republic and Slovakia on 1 January 1993 did not just draw a new state boundary at the Moravian-Slovak border. The psychological and regional security implications of the split are much greater: it has caused realignment in Central Europe. New borders have caused the Czech Republic to turn westward, weakening the Visegrad Group and creating the potential for isolating Slovakia with reverberations extending to Ukraine. Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary created the Visegrad triangle on 15 February 1991 to demonstrate the ability of the three to overcome historical differences and to coordinate their eventual "return to Europe." This was to be achieved by joining Western institutions such as the European Community (EC) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). During most of 1990, 74 percent of the CSFR's 2,141-mile border was with then Warsaw Pact allies Poland (813 miles) and East Germany (285 miles) in the north, Hungary (420 miles) in the south, and the Soviet Union (61 miles) in the east. Between East and West it shared borders with the core of both alliances' Central Regions; the Soviet Union and the Federal Republic of Germany (221 miles). CSFR Foreign Minister Jiri Dienstbier argued that Czechoslovakia's role was to cooperate within the triangle and to act as a "bridge" between West and East. This policy remained in force through the fall of 1991
Partnership for Peace (PFP) : after the Washington Summit and Kosovo by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

4 editions published in 1999 in English and held by 210 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The NATO Washington Summit and the war in Kosovo pose serious challenges for the Partnership for Peace (PFP) in implementing reforms among its 24 partners and dealing with the expectations of the nine partners seeking NATO membership. Lessons learned by Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic suggest that the nine MAP partners may find their human and material resources overwhelmed in harmonizing NATO Standardized Agreements (STANAGs) to their defense establishments and in responding to the NATO Defense Capabilities Initiative. The result could develop two-tier armed forces in the MAP states, one tier designed to function within the PFP, the second developed according to national defense, but neither able to function well as a whole
The new NATO members : will they contribute? by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

3 editions published in 1999 in English and held by 201 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In assessing the reasons NATO often cites for enlarging the Alliance, one might conclude that the three new allies will promote stability through institutionalizing common values and processes. Each case is, in fact, different
NATO expeditionary operations : impacts upon new members and partners by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

7 editions published in 2005 in English and held by 19 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Ever since deployments into the Balkans in the mid-1990s the involvement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in military operations beyond the territories of its members has posed both challenges and opportunities for the increasingly numerous post-Cold War Alliance partners, a number of whom have since acceded to full membership. Broadly what kinds of lessons have new NATO members and partners drawn from these expeditionary operations? And how have these experiences influenced ongoing efforts aimed at transforming their defense postures? NATO operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina concluded only at the end of 2004. While building their forces either from Warsaw Pact legacy capabilities or from scratch NATO aspirants and partners learned that conscript-based forces that had utility for territorial defense had serious limitations for expeditionary operations. These Central and East European governments recognized that they needed rapidly deployable forces with independent logistics and a sufficient cadre of well-trained English-speaking military personnel for effective involvement in peacekeeping and related operations. The Bosnia experience thus became the catalyst for more realistic defense reform among then-NATO aspirants
Ukraine against herself : to be Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian, or neutral? by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

3 editions published in 2009 in English and held by 15 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Since independence, Ukrainians have been evenly split between those who desire to be part of the Euro-Atlantic (European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization) community and those who gravitate toward Eurasia (Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States). During the 1990s, when the European Union and NATO were focused on Central Europe and Russia was politically down and economically weak, Ukraine was able to have it both ways. Since the Orange Revolution, Ukraine has made significant progress developing a Euro-Atlantic style democratic political system, demonstrated a vibrant open media and civil society, and successfully advanced civilian oversight of its military. Despite this progress, Ukrainian opinion remains sharply divided on integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. Attempts by Ukrainian leaders and some current members of NATO to promote a Membership Action Plan have backfired. Not only has Russia, now more autocratic, responded with missile threats, cutting gas supplies, and meddling in Ukraine's domestic politics, but the crosscutting internal and external pressures are aggravating profound political instability, actually making Ukraine a less appealing candidate for membership in either the European Union or NATO. Under these circumstances, the challenge is to provide Ukraine sufficient time to consolidate successful democratic governance and develop domestic consensus on this critical strategic choice. Rather than pressing Ukraine toward early accession, the new U.S. administration should keep open the possibility of NATO membership, but for the time being encourage Ukraine to follow the model of Finland, another nonaligned Partner for Peace, as it attempts to reconcile the competing popular factions in the country and to navigate between its Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian neighbors. By nurturing its political stability, the United States will enhance Ukraine's value to the Alliance over the longer term
NATO's uncertain future : is demography destiny? by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 13 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) finds itself increasingly stressed by current and prospective demographic shifts within its membership that will almost certainly hamper its collective ability to deploy operational forces and further strain the transatlantic relationship in the years ahead. NATO has shifted from large conscript forces, which were useful for its territorial defense during the Cold War, toward smaller, all-volunteer military establishments to carry out expeditionary operations. This shift has had different political consequences in Europe and the United States and has resulted in increasingly diverging views of the role of the military and how it contributes to security and defense. Demographically, the gap between U.S. and European NATO members military age cohorts is widening, with the U.S. cohort increasing while the European numbers shrink. At the same time, diverging immigration patterns and shifting internal demographics could erode the common historic identity of the United States and Europe and affect the transatlantic relationship. A relatively young and growing U.S. population will contribute to its slightly enhanced global economic profile in 2050, while Europe's aging and shrinking productive population will be a factor in its diminishing presence. Finally, the world's population and the locus of its economic growth will continue to reflect the inexorable shift away from the Eurocentric world that existed when NATO was created in 1949, leading to Europe s rapid demographic marginalization and relative economic decline by 2050
The next round of NATO enlargement] by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

4 editions published in 2000 in English and held by 9 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The next administration will need to devise a policy on NATO enlargement in preparation for the 2002 summit meeting soon after it takes office. Political, geostrategic, and technical factors will frame policy options on enlargement though the shifting importance of these factors will likely influence any decision on enlarging the Alliance. The political argument for maintaining enlargement momentum in order to demonstrate Alliance credibility and the geostrategic argument for a NATO land bridge gradually have become less persuasive as a result of the Kosovo conflict. Four policy options exist, each with a different impact on the objective of enhancing stability and security beyond NATO and building a Europe whole and undivided. If NATO were to extend no invitation, the credibility of Article 10 open door policy would be called into question. If it were to invite one or more countries for accession negotiations, momentum would be maintained but perhaps not sufficient development demonstrated to the excluded Membership Action Plan countries. And, if it invited all nine aspirants to join, it might temporarily remove unpleasant political pressure but incur substantial political and geostrategic costs in the future. Barring political or geostrategic upheavals, the United States should support a 2002 Summit announcement that NATO will invite one or more new members at a future summit perhaps in 2005 or 2006
Preventing Balkan conflict : the role of Euroatlantic institutions by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

3 editions published in 2007 in English and held by 8 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Roadmap to NATO accession : preparing for membership by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

4 editions published in 2001 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This report draws heavily on the proceedings of the Second International Conference on the Lesson Learned and the Enhancement of the Membership Action Plan held at Sofia, Bulgaria, on May 28-29 2001. It discusses NATOs Partnership for Peace program, and MAP (Membership Action Plan)
Partnership for peace : charting a course for a new era by Jeffrey Simon( Book )

3 editions published in 2004 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Toward a Euro-Atlantic Strategy for the Black Sea Region by Eugene B Rumer( )

3 editions published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The Black Sea region is increasingly important to Europe and the United States as a major east-west energy supply bridge and as a barrier against many transnational threats. The security environment in the region is a product of diverse interests of littoral states and their neighbors. Some of these interests coincide with those of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members, while others reflect a unique regional security agenda. As the continent's principal security organization, NATO must address that regional agenda if it is to succeed in its goal of building bridges to the region and erecting secure barriers to threats emanating from it. While the European Union (EU) is not considering expansion across the Black Sea, it, too, cannot ignore the security situation in the region. This environment warrants a Euro-Atlantic strategy to bolster institutions and activities initiated by Black Sea littoral states as a means to temper regional suspicion and rivalries inimical to stability and broader mutual interests. This strategy should ensure local ownership by littoral states and constructively engage Turkey and Russia. NATO governments could engage partners in a Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council/Partnership for Peace (PFP) Working Group consisting of littoral states and others in the greater Black Sea region to identify common security concerns and to develop ideas for practical cooperative activities, including better integration of existing PFP and relevant EU programs. Certain littoral states could be encouraged to take the lead in various initiatives: (1) supporting Turkey's Black Sea Naval Cooperation Task Group and Black Sea Harmony initiatives and linking them to relevant NATO operations in the eastern Mediterranean; (2) encouraging regional cooperation in airspace reconnaissance; (3) supporting counterdrug, counter-crime, and counterterrorism cooperation; and (4) deepening civilian-military emergency planning cooperation
 
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NATO enlargement and Central Europe : a study in civil-military relations
Alternative Names
Simon, Jeffrey D.

Languages
English (140)

Covers
European security policy after the revolutions of 1989NATO enlargement and Central Europe : a study in civil-military relations