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Brookings Institution Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World

Works: 21 works in 26 publications in 1 language and 107 library holdings
Genres: History  Conference papers and proceedings 
Publication Timeline
Most widely held works by Brookings Institution
Untapped potential : US science and technology cooperation with the Islamic world by Michael A Levi( Book )

2 editions published in 2005 in English and held by 8 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

An uneven fit? : the "Turkish model" and the Arab world by Omer Taspinar( Book )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The unspoken power : civil-military relations and the prospects for reform by Steven A Cook( Book )

1 edition published in 2004 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The need to communicate : how to improve U.S. public diplomacy with the Islamic world by Hady Amr( Book )

2 editions published in 2004 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"The Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World is designed to respond to some of the most difficult challenges that the United States will face in the coming years, most particularly how to prosecute the continuing war on global terrorism while still promoting positive relations with Muslim states and communities. A key part of the Project is the production of Analysis Papers that investigate critical issues in American policy towards the Islamic world. A special focus of this series is on exploring long-term trends that confront U.S. policy-makers and the possible strategies and options they could adopt. A central challenge that America faces in its relations with the Islamic world is that of public diplomacy. While U.S. power is at its greatest historic heights, global esteem for the United States is at its depths. Polling has found anti-American sentiment to be particularly strong in Muslim countries and communities across the world, while the continuing violence in the Middle East has only further hardened attitudes. Thus, rather than being viewed as a victim of terrorism, the United States has become widely perceived as arrogant and anti-Muslim. Perhaps most illustrative is that what the United States calls a "war on terrorism" is broadly interpreted as a "war on Islam" by the world's Muslims. This credibility gap is worrisome not just in itself, but also because it presents real complications for the success of our foreign policies, ranging from seeking cooperation in the pursuit of terrorists to supporting the expansion of democracy. Whether America is able to reverse this trend and better convey its policies and values abroad could be a critical determinant in winning the war on terrorism. As such, we are pleased to present "The Need to Communicate: How to Improve U.S. Public Diplomacy with the Islamic World." An astute observer of regional trends, as well as an experienced professional in the field of communications, Hady Amr uses his first-hand knowledge to shed new light on this critical issue. We appreciate his contribution to the Project's work and certainly are proud to share his analysis with the wider public."--Page iii
Engagement with the Muslim community and counter-terrorism : British lessons for the West by H. A Hellyer( Book )

1 edition published in 2008 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This paper looks to provide policy recommendations for Western governments with significant Muslim populations. To provide useful counsel, these recommendations are based on a narrative of events in the UK surrounding the 7/7 bombing and its aftermath (with some reference to the wider European context - intro
The approaching turning point : the future of U.S. relations with the Gulf states by F. Gregory Gause( Book )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries' political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. However, important difficulties remain to be addressed in the relationship. Those who contend that the Saudi-US relationship can continue as it has are misreading political realities in both countries. However, those in the United States who argue that the Saudis should be viewed not as a strategic partner, but as an enemy, do not offer a practical alternative for American policy. Their course means giving up the influence that a decades-long relationship provides with a government that controls 25% of the world's known oil reserves and that can play a central role - positive or negative - in political and ideological trends in the Muslim world. They can offer no guarantee that any successor regime in Arabia would be more amenable to American interests. The American agenda with Saudi Arabia should concentrate on those foreign policy issues where Riyadh's cooperation is essential for American interests.
An agenda for action : the 2002 Doha Conference on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World by Doha Conference on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World( Book )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Voices of America : U.S. public diplomacy for the 21st century by Kristin M Lord( Book )

1 edition published in 2008 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Countering the call : the U.S., Hizb-ut-Tahrir, and religious extremism in Central Asia by Alisher Khamidov( Book )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The youth factor : the new demographics of the Middle East and the implications for U.S. policy by Graham E Fuller( Book )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Time for hard choices : the dilemmas facing U.S. policy towards the Islamic world by P. W Singer( Book )

1 edition published in 2002 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Time for the hard choices : the dilemmas facing U.S. policy toward the Islamic world by P. W Singer( Book )

1 edition published in 2002 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

A new millennium of knowledge : the Arab human development report on building a knowledge society, five years on by Kristin M Lord( Book )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"In 2003, the United Nations Development Programme published a widely read and controversial study that examined the region's progress in developing the knowledge, skills, and institutions rewarded in today's global economy. The study, entitled the Arab Human Development Report 2003: Building a Knowledge Society, presented a comprehensive explanation for the "knowledge deficit" and equally comprehensive prescriptions for reform. These reforms, the report emphasized, must be driven by Arabs. But openness and deeper engagement with the world is essential"--Exec. summary
Mightier than the sword : arts and culture in the U.S.-Muslim world relationship by Cynthia P Schneider( Book )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Arts and culture, with their capacity to move and persuade audiences and to shape and reveal identities, have untapped potential for increasing understanding, knowledge and respect between the United States and the global Muslim community. Artistic and cultural representations--whether they take the form of a play, a T.V. reality show, a novel, or hip-hop music--challenge traditional stereotypes associated with another culture and humanize 'the other.' Thus, investing in arts and culture has the potential to ameliorate the disintegrating relations between the United States and the Muslim world. The United States, with its unique expertise in creative commercial products, has much to offer the Muslim world, whose distinguished cultural history and production is little known in America. Yet, despite the U.S.'s global dominance in music, film, T.V., and new media, and the pervasive influence of American culture in the Middle East, neither the public nor the private sector in the U.S. has engaged with the Muslim world in any significant, coordinated way in the field of arts and culture. Although there exists a plethora of Bridging the Divide Initiatives and studies of public diplomacy, the United States lags behind European donors and governments in the quality (episodic) and the quantity (about $11 million for global cultural programming from the State Department; less than 5% globally of private philanthropy for arts and culture in the entire Muslim world), of which less than one per cent targets arts in the Middle East and North Africa. Less than one tenth of one percent of total international philanthropic dollars is dedicated to arts and culture in the Middle East and North Africa. Equally important, only a tiny percentage of the creative production of the Muslim world reaches American audiences. This is especially regrettable since Islam's rich traditions of music, dance, literature and poetry, and storytelling would help to present it as a civilization and not an ideology and thus broaden the perspective of the media coverage that focuses on the Iraq war and terrorism. Artistic expression reveals the inherent spirit of openness that is an important part of the Islamic civilization but unfortunately is rarely exposed or recognized in the West. The United States' lack of support for arts and culture is surprising given the premium it places on fostering freedom of expression and other democratic principles. In the Muslim world, as elsewhere, artists characteristically challenge and criticize the status quo and promote alternatives to monolithic perceptions and concepts, generally attempting to cultivate a climate of tolerance and pluralism. By its very nature, creative expression encourages experimentation, initiative, and risk-taking. Artists habitually lead the way in critically examining the world around them; they are 'the canaries in the coal mine' of free expression. Our research and interviews indicate a hunger for cultural connections with American artists and cultural leaders among their counterparts in the Muslim world. In turn, meetings with the creative community in the United States have revealed a keen awareness of the critical role arts and culture plays in perpetuating or reversing negative stereotypes (such as those associated with Arabs and Islam in American popular culture) and a desire to contribute positively to increasing understanding across cultures. Finally, the burgeoning cultural sector in the Muslim world--including ambitious initiatives in the Gulf and the growth of new networks and media throughout the Middle East--offers new possibilities for non-traditional, public-private, cross-cultural partnerships, as well as new models of sustainability for nonprofit arts and media organizations
U.S.-Islamic World Forum : Doha, Qatar, April 10-12, 2005 by U.S.-Islamic World Forum( Book )

1 edition published in 2005 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Between the global and the local : Islamism, the Middle East, and Indonesia by Anthony Bubalo( )

1 edition published in 2005 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Against the background of the "war on terror", many people have come to view Islamism as a monolithic ideological movement spreading from the center of the Muslim world, the Middle East, to Muslim countries around the globe. This paper evaluates the truth of that perception. It does so by examining the spread of two broad categories of Islamic thinking and activism; the more politically focused Islamism and more religiously focused "neo-fundamentalism"; from the Middle East to Indonesia, a country often cited as an example of a formerly peaceful Muslim community radicalized by external influences
Reformulating the battle of ideas : understanding the role of Islam in counterterrorism policy by Rashad Hussain( )

1 edition published in 2008 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

As the National Commission on the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks emphasized, significant progress against terrorism cannot be achieved exclusively through the use of military force. This paper argues that in order to win the "battle of ideas," the United States government must carefully reformulate its strategy and work with the Muslim world to promote mainstream Islam over terrorist ideology. The global effort to end terrorism must be more effective in utilizing its strongest ally: Islam. There is nothing more persuasive to Muslims than Islam. If the global coalition to stop Al-Qaeda and other terrorists groups is to succeed, it must convince potential terrorists that Islam requires them to reject terrorism"--Exec. summary
Patterns of conflict in Pakistan : implications for policy by Mohammad Waseem( )

1 edition published in 2011 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Pakistan's political instability today is in large measure due to the struggle between three major actors - the civilian wing of the state, the military, and the Islamists. The military constrained the authority of the constitutional state by assuming an informal but substantive role as the supreme political agent and influencing state policies and strategy. The state's authority has also been threatened by the Islamic establishment which has, since the founding of the state, pressured the state to establish sharia, or Islamic law. Islamic militant discourse and strategy emerged during the wars in Afghanistan in the 1980s and 1990s and has since intensified. Despite military rule, regional instability, and Islamist discourse and militancy, Pakistan continues to be a constitutional state with a legal and institutional framework similar to its eastern neighbor India. The state establishment has shown remarkable capacity to reinvent itself and at least partially accommodate pressure from forces contending for power and privilege, within an institutional-constitutional framework. This framework, however, is still threatened by the internal conflicts outlined in this paper, and therefore policymakers must work to strengthen the civilian framework of constitutional authority, enable the state to control policy, and stabilize the political order in the country. Economic development, a better education system, an empowered civil society, and a more stable region are important goals that must be accompanied by the most crucial variable: political modernization. Political modernization entails integrating unadministered regions of the country into the main legal and political system, strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, using a policing rather than a military approach to combat militants, and properly federalizing the state to ensure all provinces are equal stakeholders in the political system
The conquest of Muslim hearts and minds? : perspectives on U.S. reform and public diplomacy strategies by Abdelwahab El-Affendi( )

1 edition published in 2005 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The 9-11 War plus 5 : looking back and looking forward at U.S.-Islamic world relations by P. W Singer( )

1 edition published in 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Executive Summary: It is hard to imagine that it has been five years since the 9-11 attacks. The scope of developments and actions that followed is breathtaking, from two ground wars and over 20,000 American casualties, to a complete jettison of 60 years of American strategic doctrine aimed at preserving stability in the Middle East. The distance of time now allows us to step back and weigh the consequences. The echoes of the attacks were felt in everything from the invasion of Iraq and the massive political changes that swept Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, etc. to the Danish cartoon controversy. History, though, will judge these to be but theaters within a much larger problematique that will shape American grand strategy over the next decades. Five years in, it is now clear that the 9-11 attacks created a new dynamic for global politics, and thus American foreign policy, centering around the changed relationship between a state and a religion. The most dominant superpower in world history and the world's fastest growing religious community of 1.4 billion Muslim believers now stand locked in a dynamic of mutual suspicion, distrust, and anger. It continues to spiral worse. We have entered the era of the 9-11 War, a contestation in the realm of ideas and security that is quintessentially 21st century in its modes and processes. This melding of hot and cold war is not a battle between, but a battle within. Most worrisome, five years in, it is not going well so far for either the U.S. or the Muslim world. The ensuing analysis traces how the 9-11 attacks opened up a swirl of debate and controversy on everything from the sources of terrorism to how best to defeat radicalism. It finds that for all the partisan rancor that seems to touch everything from Iraq to the Dubai Ports controversy, an underlying consensus has emerged on the key problems the U.S. faces in the 9-11 War. A new doctrine of constructive destabilization and multifaceted implementation now underlies our grand strategy. This underscores everything from the buzzword of "reform" to the raised attention on the socio-economic processes that support radicalism. However, the burgeoning consensus is simply not enough. Key hurdles of implementation must be overcome, with a critical need to define just how the U.S. will match lofty words to actual deeds and bold intentions to real policy capabilities. These challenges are tough enough, but, even more important is the recognition and resolution of three crucial questions of strategy that will hover over all policies in the long-term. If it is ever to meet with any success, the U.S. must soon resolve how it will 1) support change while recognizing its incapacity to control which local forces will benefit from it, 2) react to the reform debate within the Muslim world without undermining it, and 3) respond to the massive demographic change that will reorder politics and societies in the generation ahead. Much as the doctrine set in the late 1940s laid the groundwork for ultimate Cold War success in the 1980s, the framework that we now give to our policies will determine our ultimate 9-11 War victory or failure decades from now
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Alternative Names

controlled identityBrookings Institution. Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World

Brookings Institution. Saban Center for Middle East Policy. Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World

Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World

Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World

English (25)