WorldCat Identities

Democracy and Rule of Law Program (U.S.)

Overview
Works: 23 works in 39 publications in 1 language and 349 library holdings
Genres: Periodicals  History  Case studies 
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works by Democracy and Rule of Law Program (U.S.)
Arab reform bulletin( )

in English and held by 189 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Challenges to democracy promotion : the case of Bolivia by Jonas Wolff( )

3 editions published in 2011 in English and held by 20 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Bolivia offers a critical, but atypical, case for international democracy promotion. The ongoing political transformation initiated by President Evo Morales constitutes one of the few experiences in the world of a serious effort to build a democracy different from the existing Western liberal models. And this presents a significant challenge to democracy promotion efforts. The United States and Germany -- two main external actors in Bolivia -- have been compelled to react to this challenge. In the case of the United States, an initial phase of wait-and-see escalated in 2008 into an open crisis in bilateral relations. Attempts to adjust U.S. democracy assistance to the evolving political situation in Bolivia failed and by the end of 2009 USAID's democracy program was closed on demand of the Bolivian government. The German government, on the other hand, explicitly supported the political changes initiated by Morales. Bilateral relations between Bolivia and Germany are characterized by general continuity and in terms of democracy assistance Germany largely adjusted its programs to the preferences of the new Bolivian government. International democracy promoters often argue that they are not trying to impose a specific form of democracy from the outside and Bolivia has tested the U.S. and German commitments to this ideal. In fact, both governments have not stuck dogmatically to their particular models or concepts of democracy, but have shown some surprising flexibility. Negative reactions to Morales, especially in the case of the United States, were actually triggered by disagreements on specific policy issues. Bolivia's ongoing democratic transformation suggests that the best external democracy promoters can do under such circumstances is to support processes of inclusive dialogue and constructive conflict resolution. Instead of focusing on a specific political end point -- a given model of democracy -- support should push for a peaceful and inclusive political process of constructing a model appropriate for Bolivia. This, however, requires external actors to unequivocally respect Bolivia's claim to democratic self-determination that encompasses not just the shape of its political system but also its foreign, economic, and narcotics policies
Millennium Challenge Corporation : can the experiment survive? by John Hewko( )

2 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 19 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"The Millennium Challenge Corporation is the long-term, medium-risk component in the portfolio of foreign policy tools, and it should stay that way."--Cover
Do judicial councils further judicial reform? : lessons from Latin America by Linn A Hammergren( )

3 editions published in 2002 in English and held by 19 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Looking for help : will rising democracies become international democracy supporters? by Thomas Carothers( )

1 edition published in 2011 in English and held by 18 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The emergence of a multipolar world gives Western democracy advocates cause for both optimism and anxiety. China's success sparks fears of the spread of an autocratic development model. Yet democratic states such as Brazil, Indonesia, India, South Africa, and Turkey are also gaining ground. These countries serve as powerful examples of the universal appeal of democracy and possess unique experiences with democratization. The United States and Europe understandably hope that rising democracies will use their growing prominence to defend democratic values abroad, potentially revitalizing international democracy support. Rising democracies, however, are often reluctant to publicly embrace a democracy and human rights agenda. Most of them are exponents of the pro-sovereignty, anti-interventionist approach to international politics. They emphasize inclusive cooperation among developing countries and are disinclined to confront autocratic leaders. They are also habitually wary of Western, especially U.S., intentions in the developing world and thus frequently suspicious of Western democracy promotion. Western powers should not dismiss the potential contribution that rising democracies can make to democracy support, but they should moderate their expectations and proceed with caution. They should start building cooperation with rising democracies through low-visibility, sustained endeavors rather than high-visibility, short-term gestures. Western actors must also be flexible in considering rising democracies' differing conceptions of how best to support democracy. Support for partnerships between nongovernmental actors in established and rising democracies may offer the best way forward. An engaged but balanced Western approach is the best option for encouraging rising democracies to play a productive role in the challenge of responding to the serious backlash against international democracy support that emerged over the last decade
Aiding governance in developing countries : progress and uncertainties by Thomas Carothers( )

1 edition published in 2011 in English and held by 16 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Since emerging as a new donor enthusiasm in the 1990s, governance support has become a major area of aid to developing countries. The idea that remedying debilitating patterns of inefficient, corrupt, and unaccountable governance will unlock developmental progress appeals not just to aid providers but also to ordinary people throughout the developing world who are angry at unresponsive and poorly functioning states. Yet despite the natural appeal of improving governance, it has proved challenging in practice. Many initial assumptions about the task have run aground on the shoals of countervailing realities. As a result, aid practitioners have begun accumulating important insights about how to improve governance aid. Even as governance assistance progresses, it struggles with several continuing uncertainties. The empirical case that improved governance is necessary for development progress is less straightforward than many aid practitioners would wish. The increasing pressure faced by most aid organizations for rapid, clearly measurable results sometimes works against sophisticated governance assistance. Larger international aid trends, especially the rise of new donors with other priorities, threaten to weaken the governance agenda. Fully operationalizing these insights and overcoming the uncertainties will be hard. But the central promise of governance assistance -- finally getting to the heart of the development challenge -- is great enough to justify the effort and to ensure that even partial success will be worthwhile
The Saudi labyrinth : evaluating the current political opening by Amr Hamzawy( Book )

3 editions published in 2006 in English and held by 11 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"Recent years have witnessed unprecedented political dynamism in Saudi Arabia. Since 2002, the government has pursued various reform policies. Its most relevant measures have included reforming the Shura Council, holding municipal elections, legalizing civil society actors, implementing educational reform plans, and institutionalizing national dialogue conferences. Two factors -- international and domestic reform demands-- have injected new elements of dynamism and openness into Saudi Arabia's political reality. They have also generated sufficient incentives for the government to embark on the road of reform. ... Hamzawy discusses the political actors in Saudi Arabia's political scene, recent reform measures, potential for further reform and the role of the United States. Hamzawy argues that although the reforms may seem small to the United States, they are integral steps toward liberalization."--Carnegie Endowment web site
The Clinton record on democracy promotion by Thomas Carothers( Book )

2 editions published in 2000 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace presents the September 2000 working paper "The Clinton Record on Democracy Promotion" in PDF format. Thomas Carothers, author of the paper, examines the role of democracy promotion during the presidency of U.S. President William Jefferson Clinton (1946- )
Democracy and constituencies in the Arab world by Marina Ottaway( Book )

1 edition published in 2004 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Democratic reform in the Middle East will remain in a holding pattern until organized citizens begin demanding rights, political participation, and accountability from authoritarian governments in the region. Currently, the political organizations that do exist in the region -- such as political parties, labor unions, and civic organizations -- lack a broad base" (taken from press release)
Promoting democracy in the Middle East : the problem of U.S. credibility by Marina Ottaway( )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The other face of the Islamist movement by Moustapha Kamel Sayed( Book )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Liberalization versus democracy : understanding Arab political reform by Daniel Brumberg( Book )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Stepping back from democratic pessimism by Thomas Carothers( Book )

1 edition published in 2009 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Pessimism about the progress of democracy in the developing and post communist worlds has risen sharply in recent years. Negative developments in a variety of countries, such as military coups, failed elections, and the emergence of antidemocratic populist leaders, have caused some observers to argue that democracy is in retreat and authoritarianism on the march. A broad look at the state of democracy around the world reveals however that although the condition of democracy is certainly troubled in many places, when viewed relative to where it was at the start of this decade, democracy has not lost ground in the world overall
Evaluating political reform in Yemen by Sarah Phillips( Book )

1 edition published in 2007 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Since the Republic of Yemen was created in 1990 through the unification of the northern and southern states, the Yemeni regime has very consciously framed its policies in the language of democracy, while simultaneously muzzling initiatives that might help facilitate democratic consolidation. There has been a marked increase in the level of popular political activity, but the country's power structures have proven resilient to political reform. Although the same president has been in power since before unification, Yemen is regularly portrayed as having made genuine moves toward democracy. The country was recently pushed into the spotlight by the presidential elections in which a credible opponent officially captured nearly 22 percent of the vote. The director of the National Democratic Institute's Middle East Program stated: "Having watched democratic developments for ten years in the Middle East, this may have been the most significant election so far." Yemen also has lively parliamentary and public political debates, in which citizens and opposition figures routinely criticize the government. The number of parliamentary votes for the main opposition party increased roughly four-fold between 1993 and 2003, and there is generally enthusiastic participation in the electoral process. President Ali Abdullah Saleh regularly makes declarations about the importance of democratic values. Indeed, the idea of an unfolding transition to democracy has become an important legitimizing platform for the Yemeni government, domestically and internationally. In practice, however, the situation is more complex. Alongside some progressive changes, there is a president approaching his thirtieth year in power, a government that is perceived to be increasingly corrupt, and a deeply fragmented political opposition that has been unable to force real concessions from the regime. There has been a worrisome increase in the harassment of journalists in recent years, but even government-run newspapers still sometimes publish articles criticizing the narrowing of press freedoms. In other words, Yemen's regime can claim some aspects of democracy but not enough to genuinely constrain them. The changes that Yemen has witnessed since 1990 thus do not represent a clear democratic transition but contain elements of several broad patterns of political change in the Arab world, where limited openings, controlled pluralism, and regime endurance are related processes and where all too often repression tends to follow periods of relaxed control
Is gradualism possible? : choosing a strategy for promoting democracy in the Middle East by Thomas Carothers( )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The other face of the Islamist movement by Mustapha Kamel Al-Sayyid( Book )

2 editions published in 2003 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Europe's uncertain pursuit of Middle East reform by Richard Youngs( Book )

1 edition published in 2004 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The new role of Central and Eastern Europe in international democracy support by Tsveta Petrova( )

1 edition published in 2011 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe are increasingly engaging in international democracy support, especially in the former Soviet Union and the Western Balkans. They have leveraged their membership in a number of Euro-Atlantic international organizations and used their bilateral diplomatic ties with democratization laggards to motivate and pressure them to observe democratic norms and practices. They are also been supplying small but growing amounts of democracy assistance. The democracy promotion efforts of these countries -- countries that are still grappling with some domestic democracy issues of their own -- have been limited in scope and inconsistent, ad hoc, and given a low priority at times. Still, these countries have very recent, in fact ongoing experience with democratization that gives them valuable expertise and perspectives that other donors do not have, and therefore special credibility in the eyes of recipients. They also tend to tailor their efforts to the needs of their recipients and work primarily in their neighborhood, where they have considerable knowledge of local sociopolitical realities and where their own experiences are highly relevant. The Eastern EU democracy promoters have also managed to keep the countries in the post-communist space that are not democratizing fast enough relatively high on the agenda of a number of Euro-Atlantic organizations. These efforts, however, have not yet produced the desired liberalization of neighboring autocracies. They have been important in inspiring and preparing pro-democratic forces in neighboring hybrid regimes to organize several electoral revolutions in the 2000s, but even such democratization has proven short-lived in many cases
The other face of the Islamist movement by Moustafa Kamel Sayed( Book )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Assessing Secretary of State Rice's reform of U.S. foreign assistance by Gerald F Hyman( )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"In Assessing Secretary of State Rice's Reform of U.S. Foreign Assistance, former senior USAID official Gerald Hyman analyzes the objectives, implementation, and impact of the Secretary's effort to create a cohesive foreign assistance program fully integrated with U.S. national security policy. Key Conclusions: The new system confuses strategic decisions, which should be made in Washington, with tactical ones better suited to context-knowledgeable field officers. Reforms also require that any change made to a foreign assistance project receive approval from the newly created Director of Foreign Assistance (DFA) position, creating huge potential for gridlock. In the quest for greater strategic control, the reorganization actually diminishes Washington's ability to evaluate the objectives and successes of foreign assistance projects. Detailed narratives which provided rationale for programs under the old system have been replaced by a complex, numbered grid system that lacks critical information, making a serious assessment of projects in Washington difficult. The reorganization was led by 'core country teams, ' the members of which, in many instances, had only a passing knowledge of the country they were to plan for. The implementation process also failed to involve many key stakeholders, including ambassadors, USAID missions, and congressional leaders. The reorganization was instituted due in large part to the Secretary's inability to answer congressional inquiries regarding U.S. spending on democracy promotion. The new system places an exaggerated emphasis on the ultimately futile attempt to instantly report on U.S. foreign assistance expenditures and detail the outcomes of an $11 billion program. 'The old system was a fractured, nonstrategic, hodgepodge of bureaucratic satraps in need of a fundamental fix. Greater coherence was certainly necessary. But the Rice reform is deeply, perhaps irredeemably flawed. There were available corrections far short of, and far better than, this foreign assistance reform, ' writes Hyman."--Taken from publisher's Web site
 
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Alternative Names
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Democracy and Rule of Law Program

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Democracy and Rule of Law Project

Democracy & Rule of Law

Democracy and Rule of Law Project

Democracy, Rule of Law

Global Policy Program (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace). Democracy and Rule of Law Program

Languages
English (36)