WorldCat Identities

Blanchard, Christopher M.

Overview
Works: 54 works in 192 publications in 1 language and 1,461 library holdings
Genres: Chronology  History 
Classifications: HV5840.A3, 363.4509581
Publication Timeline
Key
Publications about  Christopher M Blanchard Publications about Christopher M Blanchard
Publications by  Christopher M Blanchard Publications by Christopher M Blanchard
Most widely held works by Christopher M Blanchard
Afghanistan narcotics and U.S. policy by Christopher M Blanchard ( )
4 editions published in 2009 in English and held by 831 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Afghanistan narcotics and U.S. policy by Christopher M Blanchard ( Book )
18 editions published between 2004 and 2009 in English and held by 103 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have become significant factors in Afghanistan's fragile political and economic order over the last 25 years. Since the fall of the Taliban in late 2001, Afghanistan has become the source of 87% of the world's illicit opium and heroin, in spite of ongoing efforts by the Afghan government, the United States, and their international partners to combat poppy cultivation and drug trafficking. Across Afghanistan, regional warlords, criminal organizations, and corrupt government officials continue to exploit opium production and trafficking as reliable sources of revenue and patronage, which perpetuates the threat these groups pose to the country's fragile internal security and the legitimacy of its embryonic democratic government. The trafficking of Afghan drugs also appears to provide financial and logistical support to a range of extremist groups operating in and around Afghanistan, including remnants of the Taliban regime and Al Qaeda operatives. U.N. officials estimate that in-country illicit profits from Afghanistan's record 2004 opium poppy crop were equivalent in value to 60% of the country's legitimate GDP. Some analysts suggest that drug-tainted warlords, tribal leaders, and local officials may jeopardize Afghanistan's security. The issue is further complicated by an aspect of coalition forces' pursuit of security and counterterrorism objectives: frequent reliance on warlords, tribal leaders, and local officials who may be involved in the production and trafficking of narcotics
Libya background and U.S. relations by Christopher M Blanchard ( Book )
21 editions published between 2005 and 2010 in English and held by 91 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The relationship between the United States and Libya has been strained and hostile for much of the last 35 years, but has recently shown signs of improvement. Following the Libyan government's December 2003 decision to eliminate its weapons of mass destruction and long range missile programs, a number of bilateral diplomatic exchanges have taken place, and the termination of U.S. economic sanctions on Libya has paved the way for a renewal of investment by U.S. oil, gas, and energy service firms in Libya's under-capitalized energy sector. Several visits to Libya by Bush Administration officials and Members of Congress in 2004 and 2005 have raised expectations of a formal reestablishment of normal relations between the U.S. and Libya in the near future, including the removal of the last remaining sanctions associated with Libya's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. Bilateral intelligence and counter-terrorism cooperation has contributed to a gradual U.S.-Libyan re-engagement on security matters since late 2001. Continuing U.S. concerns about Libya's relationship with some Palestinian terrorist groups and an alleged Libyan-sponsored assassination plot targeting Saudi monarch King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud thus far have delayed the recision of Libya's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. The designation remains the most significant obstacle to the full resumption of bilateral relations. Other issues of interest to the United States include Libyan political and economic reform efforts, steps to address long standing human rights concerns, and Libyan engagement with Arab and African states. This report provides background information on Libyan history and U.S.-Libyan relations; profiles Libyan leader Muammar Al Qadhafi; discusses current political and economic reform efforts; and reviews current issues of potential congressional interest. It will be updated periodically to reflect important developments. For information about Libya see CRS Report RL32604, Libya: Legislative Basis for U.S. Economic Sanctions, by Dianne E. Rennack, and CRS Report RS21823, Disarming Libya: Weapons of Mass Destruction, by Sharon A. Squassoni and Andrew Feickert
Islamic religious schools, Madrasas background by Christopher M Blanchard ( Book )
12 editions published between 2004 and 2008 in English and held by 81 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Islamic religious schools known as madrasas (or madrassahs) in the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia have been of increasing interest to U.S. policy makers. Some allege ties between madrasas and terrorist organizations, such as Al Qaeda, and assert that these religious schools promote Islamic extremism and militancy. Others maintain that most madrasas have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-Americanism and for producing terrorists. This report1 provides an overview of madrasas, their role in the Muslim world, and issues related to their alleged links to terrorism. The report also addresses the findings of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (the [beta]9/11 Commission[gamma]) and issues relevant to the first session of the 110th Congress. Related products include CRS Report RS22009, CRS Report RL33533, CRS Report RL32499, CRS Report RS21695, CRS Report RS21457, CRS Report RL32259, and CRS Report RS21432. This report will be updated periodically
Post-war Iraq foreign contributions to training, peacekeeping, and reconstruction by Jeremy M Sharp ( Book )
12 editions published between 2005 and 2007 in English and held by 68 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Securing foreign contributions to the reconstruction and stabilization of Iraq has been a major priority for U.S. policymakers since the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report tracks important changes in financial and personnel pledges from foreign governments since the August 19, 2003 bombing of the U.N. Headquarters in Baghdad and major events since the fall of Baghdad on April 9, 2003. Currently, there are twenty-six countries with military forces participating in the coalition's stabilization effort. An additional eleven countries have withdrawn their troops from Iraq due to either the successful completion of their missions, domestic political pressure to withdraw their troops, or, in the case of the Philippines, the demands of terrorist kidnappers who threatened to kill foreign hostages unless their respective countries removed their troops from Iraq. Most foreign pledges for reconstructing Iraq were made at a donors' conference in Madrid, Spain in October 2003. Foreign donors pledged an estimated $13 billion in grants and loans for Iraq reconstruction, but have only disbursed about $2.7 billion to the United Nations and World Bank trust funds for Iraq. The largest non-American pledges of grants have come from Japan, the United Kingdom, Canada, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export credits. This report also discusses international efforts to train and equip the new Iraqi security forces. Since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in April 2003, several coalition, non-coalition, and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries have contributed personnel, equipment, and facilities to the training of Iraqi security and police forces. Some have expressed their willingness to contribute to future training operations within or outside of Iraq. Others have declined to participate in ongoing or planned training operations
Saudi Arabia terrorist financing issues by Alfred B Prados ( Book )
8 editions published between 2004 and 2007 in English and held by 51 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The September 11, 2001 attacks fueled criticisms within the United States of alleged Saudi involvement in terrorism and of Saudi laxity in acting against terrorist groups. Of particular concern have been reports that funds may be flowing from Saudi Arabia and other Middle East countries to terrorist groups, largely under the guise of charitable contributions. Critics of Saudi policies have cited a number of reports that the Saudi government has permitted and encouraged fund raising in Saudi Arabia by charitable Islamic groups and foundations linked to Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda organization or like-minded entities
Iraq regional perspectives and U.S. policy ( Book )
12 editions published between 2007 and 2010 in English and held by 40 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Iraq's neighbors have influenced events in Iraq since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, and developments in Iraq have had political, economic, and security implications for Iraq's neighbors and the broader Middle East. Ongoing insurgency and sectarian violence in Iraq and discussion of options for modifying U.S. policy toward Iraq are fueling intense consideration of Iraq's future and the current and potential policies of Iraq's neighbors. Policymakers and observers are considering a number of different "Iraq scenarios," ranging from the resolution of outstanding Iraqi political disputes and the successful consolidation of Iraq's government and security forces, to greater escalation of sectarian violence into nationwide civil war and the potential for greater intervention by Iraq's neighbors. Understanding regional perspectives on Iraq and the potential nature and likelihood of regional responses to various scenarios will be essential for Members of the 110th Congress as they consider proposed changes to U.S. policy, including the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group (ISG), new Administration initiatives, and annual appropriations and authorization legislation. Proposals for more robust U.S. diplomatic engagement with Iraq's neighbors, including currently problematic parties such as Iran and Syria, may be of particular interest to Members during the first session of the 110th Congress. The Iraq Study Group report asserted that Iraqis will not be able to achieve security and national reconciliation goals necessary to prevent a wider conflict without regional and international support. Press reports suggest that the Administration plans to strengthen security cooperation with some of Iraq's neighbors and that new arms sales and security assistance authorization and appropriations requests may be submitted to Congress to support these plans during 2007
Al Qaeda statements and evolving ideology by Christopher M Blanchard ( Book )
8 editions published between 2004 and 2007 in English and held by 33 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Osama Bin Laden and the Al Qaeda terrorist network have conducted a sophisticated public relations and media campaign over the last ten years. Terrorism analysts believe that these messages have been designed to elicit psychological reactions and communicate complex political messages to a global audience as well as to specific populations in the Islamic world, the United States, Europe, and Asia. Some officials and analysts believe that Al Qaeda's messages contain signals that inform and instruct operatives to prepare for and carry out new attacks. Bin Laden has referred to his public statements as important primary sources for parties seeking to understand Al Qaeda's ideology and political demands. Global counterterrorism operations in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks appear to have limited Bin Laden's ability to provide command and control leadership to Al Qaeda operatives and affiliated groups. However he and other Al Qaeda leaders continue to release statements that sanction, encourage, and provide guidance for future terrorist operations. Iraq, in particular, has become a focal point for Al Qaeda's rhetoric, as recent statements have underscored Al Qaeda's interest in Iraq and support for the ongoing insurgency
Iraq oil and gas legislation, revenue sharing, and U.S. policy by Christopher M Blanchard ( Book )
10 editions published between 2007 and 2008 in English and held by 27 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Iraqi leaders continue to debate a package of hydrocarbon sector and revenue sharing legislation that will define the terms for the future management and development of the country's significant oil and natural gas resources. The package includes an oil and gas sector framework law and three supporting laws that would outline revenue sharing mechanisms, restructure Iraq's Ministry of Oil, and create an Iraqi National Oil Company. Both the Bush Administration and Congress consider the passage of oil and gas sector framework and revenue sharing legislation as important benchmarks that will indicate the current Iraqi government's commitment to promoting political reconciliation and long term economic development in Iraq.Section 1314 of the FY2007 Supplemental Appropriations Act [P.L. 110-28] specifically identifies the enactment and implementation of legislation "to ensure the equitable distribution of hydrocarbon resources of the people of Iraq without regard to the sect or ethnicity of recipients" and "to ensure that the energy resources of Iraq benefit Sunni Arabs, Shia Arabs, Kurds, and other Iraqi citizens in an equitable manner" as benchmarks on which the President must report to Congress in July and September 2007. The draft framework legislation approved by Iraq's Council of Ministers (cabinet) in February 2007 does not include revenue sharing arrangements. The companion revenue sharing law defines terms for revenue distribution. The Council of Representatives (parliament) has not yet considered either bill. The central importance of oil and gas revenue for the Iraqi economy is widely recognized by Iraqis, and most groups accept the need to create new legal and policy guidelines for the development of the country's oil and natural gas. However, Iraqi critics and supporters of the proposed legislation differ strongly on a number of key issues, including the proper role and powers of the federal and regional authorities in regulating oil and gas development; the terms and extent of potential foreign participation in the oil and gas sectors; and proposed formulas and mechanisms for equitably sharing oil and gas revenue. Concurrent, related discussions about proposed amendments to articles of Iraq's constitution that outline federal and regional oil and gas rights also are highly contentious
Libya by Clyde R Mark ( Book )
3 editions published in 2005 in English and held by 20 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The Islamic traditions of Wahhabism and Salafiyya by Febe Armanios ( )
2 editions published between 2003 and 2007 in English and held by 8 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and subsequent discussions of religious extremism have called attention to Islamic puritanical movements known as Wahhabism and Salafiyya. Al Qaeda leaders and their ideological supporters have advocated a violent message that some suggest is an extremist interpretation of this line of puritanical Islam. Other observers have accused Saudi Arabia, the center of Wahhabism, of having disseminated a religion that promotes hatred and violence, targeting the United States and its allies. Saudi officials strenuously deny these allegations. This report1 provides a background on Wahhabism and its relationship to active terrorist groups; it also summarizes recent charges against Wahhabism and responses, including the findings of the final report of the 9/11 Commission and relevant legislation in the 110th Congress. The report will be updated to reflect major developments. Related CRS products include CRS Report RL33533, CRS Report RL32499, CRS Report RS21432, CRS Report RS21529, CRS Report RS21654, and CRS Report RL31718
Afghanistan: Narcotics and U.S. Policy ( )
7 editions published between 2004 and 2009 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have become significant negative factors in Afghanistan's fragile political and economic order over the last 25 years. In 2006, poppy cultivation and opium production reached record highs, in spite of ongoing efforts by the Afghan government, the United States, and their international partners to combat poppy cultivation and drug trafficking. Afghanistan is now the source of 92% of the world s illicit opium. U.N. officials estimate that in-country illicit revenue from the 2006 opium poppy crop will be over $3 billion, sustaining fears that Afghanistan s economic recovery continues to be underwritten by drug profits and that large sums are reaching criminals, corrupt officials, and extremists. Across Afghanistan, regional militia commanders, criminal organizations, and corrupt government officials have exploited opium production and drug trafficking as reliable sources of revenue and patronage, which has perpetuated the threat these groups pose to the country's fragile internal security and the legitimacy of its embryonic democratic government. The trafficking of Afghan drugs also appears to provide financial and logistical support to a range of extremist groups that continue to operate in and around Afghanistan, including the resurgent remnants of the Taliban and some Al Qaeda operatives. Although coalition forces may be less frequently relying on figures involved with narcotics for intelligence and security support, many observers have warned that drug-related corruption among appointed and elected Afghan officials may create new political obstacles to further progress
Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations ( )
7 editions published between 2008 and 2009 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The kingdom of Saudi Arabia, ruled by the Al Saud family since its founding in 1932, wields significant political and economic influence as the birthplace of the Islamic faith and by virtue of its large energy reserves. Since 2005, King Abdullah bin Abd al Aziz Al Saud has sought to strengthen Saudi relations with European and Asian counterparts and has worked to build and lead an Arab consensus on regional security issues such as Lebanon and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Recent domestic reforms have codified royal succession rules, begun restructuring the justice system, and updated some educational curricula and practices. An Al Qaeda-inspired terrorist campaign inside the kingdom appears to be ebbing as security improvements and anti-extremism campaigns are implemented. However, the threat of domestic terrorism remains. Robust energy export revenues and investment-friendly reforms continue to strengthen the kingdom's regional and global economic position. A close Cold War-era relationship between the U.S. Government and the ruling Al Saud family was built on shared interests in securing Saudi oil production and in combating global Communism. In the post-Cold War period, the emergence of the Al Qaeda terrorist threat and volatile regional security conditions in the Middle East have tested U.S.-Saudi relations. The direct participation of 15 Saudi nationals in the terrorist attacks of 9/11 2001, and the identification of several Saudi nationals as alleged supporters of terrorism have called into question Saudi Arabia's reliability as an ally. Increased official counterterrorism cooperation and shared concerns about Iranian foreign policy have provided a new strategic logic for U.S.-Saudi security relations since 2003. Long-standing defense ties remain intact, and U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia have continued, with over $14 billion in potential Foreign Military Sales to Saudi Arabia approved by the Bush Administration and Congress since January 2005
The United Arab Emirates nuclear program and proposed U.S. cooperation by Christopher M Blanchard ( Book )
6 editions published in 2009 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Iraq oil-for-food program, illicit trade, and investigations by Kenneth Katzman ( )
3 editions published between 2005 and 2007 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The "oil-for-food" program (OFFP) was the centerpiece of a long-standing U.N. Security Council effort to alleviate human suffering in Iraq while maintaining key elements of the 1991 Gulf war-related sanctions regime. In order to ensure that Iraq remained contained and that only humanitarian needs were served by the program, the program imposed controls on Iraqi oil exports and humanitarian imports. All Iraqi oil revenues legally earned under the program were held in a U.N. -controlled escrow account and were not accessible to the regime of Saddam Hussein. The program was in operation from December 1996 until March 2003. Observers generally agree that the program substantially eased, but did not eliminate, human suffering in Iraq. Concerns about the program's early difficulties prompted criticism of the United States; critics asserted that the U.S. strategy was to maintain sanctions on Iraq indefinitely as a means of weakening Saddam Hussein's grip on power. At the same time, growing regional and international sympathy for the Iraqi people resulted in a pronounced relaxation of regional enforcement -- or even open defiance -- of the Iraq sanctions. The United States and other members of the United Nations Security Council were aware of billions of dollars in oil sales by Iraq to its neighbors in violation of the U.N. sanctions regime and outside of the OFFP, but did not take action to punish states engaged in illicit oil trading with Saddam Hussein's regime. Successive Administrations issued annual waivers to Congress exempting Turkey and Jordan from unilateral U.S. sanctions for their violations of U.N. oil embargo on Iraq. Until 2002, the United States argued that continued U.N. sanctions were critical to preventing Iraq from acquiring equipment that could be used to reconstitute banned weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs. In 2002, the Bush Administration asserted that sanctions were not sufficient to contain a mounting threat from Saddam Hussein's regime and the Administration decided that the military overthrow of that regime had become necessary
Armed conflict in Syria U.S. and international response by Jeremy M Sharp ( )
4 editions published between 2012 and 2013 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Syria is now mired in an armed conflict between forces loyal to President Bashar al Asad and rebel fighters opposed to his rule. Since major unrest began in March 2011, various reports suggest that between 22,000 and 25,000 Syrians have been killed. U.S. officials and many analysts believe that President Bashar al Asad, his family members, and his other supporters will ultimately be forced from power, but few offer specific, credible timetables for a resolution to Syria's ongoing crisis. In the face of intense domestic and international pressure calling for political change and for an end to violence against civilians, the Asad government offered limited reforms while also meeting protests and armed attacks with overwhelming force. Nonviolent protests continued, but their apparent futility created frustration and anger within the opposition ranks. An increasing number of Syrian civilians have taken up arms in self-defense, although armed rebel attacks alienate some potential supporters. The government accuses the opposition of carrying out bombings and assassinations targeting security infrastructure, security personnel, and civilians in Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, and other areas. Accounts of human rights abuses by both sides persist, with the majority attributed to security forces and military units. President Obama and his Administration have been calling for Asad's resignation since August 2011, and have been vocal advocates for United Nations Security Council action to condemn the Syrian government and end the bloodshed. The United States closed its embassy in Damascus, and Ambassador Robert Ford left Syria. U.S. officials are actively participating in efforts to improve international policy coordination on Syria. The Administration has given no indication that it intends to pursue any form of military intervention. U.S. officials and some in Congress continue to debate various proposals for ending the violence and accelerating Asad's departure. After over a year of unrest and violence, Syria's crisis is characterized by dilemmas and contradictions. A menu of imperfect choices confronts U.S. policymakers, amid fears of continued violence, a humanitarian crisis, and regional instability. The potential spillover effects of continued fighting raise questions with regard to Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Israel. Larger refugee flows, sectarian conflict, or transnational violence by non-state actors are among the contingencies that policy makers are concerned about in relation to these countries. The unrest also is creating new opportunities for Al Qaeda or other violent extremist groups to operate in Syria. The security of Syrian conventional and chemical weapons stockpiles has become a regional security concern, which will grow if a security vacuum emerges. Many observers worry that an escalation in fighting or swift regime change could generate new pressures on minority groups or lead to wider civil or regional conflict
The Gulf Security Dialogue and related arms sale proposals by Christopher M Blanchard ( )
4 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
In May 2006, the Administration launched an effort to revive U.S.-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) security cooperation under the auspices of a new Gulf Security Dialogue (GSD). The Dialogue now serves as the principal security coordination mechanism between the United States and the six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman. The core objectives of the Dialogue are the promotion of intra-GCC and GCC-U.S. cooperation to meet common perceived threats. The Dialogue provides a framework for U.S. engagement with the GCC countries in the following six areas: (1) the improvement of GCC defense capabilities and interoperability; (2) regional security issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Lebanon; (3) counter-proliferation; (4) counter-terrorism and internal security; (5) critical infrastructure protection; and (6) commitments to Iraq. The Administration has proposed a series of arms sales intended to enhance the defense capabilities of the GCC countries and improve the interoperability of their militaries in line with the objectives of the Gulf Security Dialogue. In particular, the Administration recently has proposed the sale of defense systems designed to strengthen the maritime, air, and missile defenses of some GCC members. Under Section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), Congress must be formally notified 30 calendar-days before the Administration can take the final steps to conclude a government-to-government Foreign Military Sale of: 1) major defense equipment to a non-NATO government valued at $14 million or more, 2) defense articles or services valued at $50 million or more, or 3) design and construction services valued at $200 million or more. Congress may review proposed sales and take steps to amend or prohibit them
Islam Sunnis and Shiites by Christopher M Blanchard ( )
in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
The majority of the world's Muslim population follows the Sunni branch of Islam, and approximately 10-15% of all Muslims follow the Shiite (Shi'ite, Shi'a, Shia) branch. Shiite populations constitute a majority in Iran, Iraq, Bahrain, and Azerbaijan. There are also significant Shiite populations in Afghanistan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen. Sunnis and Shiites share most basic religious tenets. However, their differences sometimes have been the basis for religious intolerance, political infighting, and sectarian violence. This report includes a historical background of the Sunni-Shiite split and discusses the differences in religious beliefs and practices between and within each Islamic sect as well as their similarities. The report also relates Sunni and Shiite religious beliefs to discussions of terrorism and Iraq that may be of interest during the first session of the 110th Congress
Al Qaeda: Statements and Evolving Ideology ( )
5 editions published between 2004 and 2007 in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Osama Bin Laden and the Al Qaeda terrorist network have conducted a sophisticated public relations and media campaign over the last 10 years. Terrorism analysts believe that these messages have been designed to elicit psychological reactions and communicate complex political messages to a global audience as well as to specific populations in the Islamic world, the United States, Europe, and Asia. Some analysts believe that Al Qaeda's messages contain signals that inform and instruct operatives to prepare for and carry out new attacks. Bin Laden has referred to his public statements as important primary sources for parties seeking to understand Al Qaeda's ideology and political demands. Global counterterrorism operations in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks appear to have limited Bin Laden's ability to provide command and control leadership to Al Qaeda operatives and affiliated groups. Other Al Qaeda leaders continue to release statements that sanction, encourage, and provide guidance for terrorist operations. Iraq has become a focal point for Al Qaeda's rhetoric, and statements continue to underscore Al Qaeda leaders' interest in Iraq and support for the ongoing insurgency. Statements released by Bin Laden and his deputy Ayman Al-Zawahiri since late 2004 have rekindled public debate in Europe and the United States surrounding Al Qaeda's ideology, motives, and future plans for attacks. Statements released following the July 2005 Al Qaeda-linked suicide bombing attacks on the London transit system have characterized those attacks and Al Qaeda's ongoing terrorist campaign as a response to British and U.S. military operations in Iraq. This report reviews Al Qaeda's use of public statements from the mid-1990s to the present and analyzes the evolving ideological and political content of those statements. The report focuses on statements made by Osama Bin Laden, his deputy Ayman Al-Zawahiri, Abu Musab Al Zarqawi, and Sayf Al Adl
Qatar background and U.S. relations by Christopher M Blanchard ( )
3 editions published between 2008 and 2012 in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide
Qatar, a small peninsular country in the Persian Gulf, has emerged as an important ally of the United States since the late 1990s and currently serves as host to major U.S. military facilities for command, basing, and equipment pre-positioning. Qatar holds the third largest proven natural gas reserves in the world, and its small population enjoys the highest per capita income of any Middle Eastern country. The Emir of Qatar, Shaikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, has embarked upon a limited course of political liberalization since replacing his father in a bloodless palace coup in 1995. The Emir also has undertaken several projects to diversify Qatar[alpha]s economy and improve educational opportunities for Qatari citizens. As part of Qatar[alpha]s liberalization experiment, the Qatari monarchy founded Al Jazeera, the Arab world[alpha]s first all-news satellite television network, in 1995. In an April 2003 referendum, Qatari voters approved a new constitution that officially granted women the right to vote and run for national office. Under the new constitution, elections for a partially elected national assembly are expected to take place some time in 2007
 
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