WorldCat Identities

Blanchard, Christopher M.

Overview
Works: 63 works in 205 publications in 1 language and 2,060 library holdings
Genres: Chronologies  History 
Roles: Author, Contributor
Classifications: JK1108, 363.4509581
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works by Christopher M Blanchard
Afghanistan : narcotics and U.S. policy by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

32 editions published between 2004 and 2009 in English and Undetermined and held by 159 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Opium poppy cultivation and drug trafficking have become significant negative factors in Afghanistan's fragile political and economic order over the last 25 years. Afghan, U.S., and coalition efforts to provide viable economic alternatives to poppy cultivation and to disrupt corruption and narco-terrorist linkages succeeded in reducing opium poppy cultivation in some areas during 2004 and 2005. However, escalating violence in southern provinces, particularly in Helmand, and widespread corruption fueled a surge in cultivation in 2006, pushing opium output to an all-time high of 6,100 metric tons. In spite of ongoing efforts by the Afghan government, the United States, and their international partners, Afghanistan is now the source of 92% of the world's illicit opium. Preliminary surveys suggest opium output may increase again in 2007 based on increased production in unstable southern provinces
Libya background and U.S. relations by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

20 editions published between 2005 and 2010 in English and held by 75 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The relationship between the United States and Libya has been strained and hostile for much of the last 35 years, but has recently shown signs of improvement. Following the Libyan government's December 2003 decision to eliminate its weapons of mass destruction and long range missile programs, a number of bilateral diplomatic exchanges have taken place, and the termination of U.S. economic sanctions on Libya has paved the way for a renewal of investment by U.S. oil, gas, and energy service firms in Libya's under-capitalized energy sector. Several visits to Libya by Bush Administration officials and Members of Congress in 2004 and 2005 have raised expectations of a formal reestablishment of normal relations between the U.S. and Libya in the near future, including the removal of the last remaining sanctions associated with Libya's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. Bilateral intelligence and counter-terrorism cooperation has contributed to a gradual U.S.-Libyan re-engagement on security matters since late 2001. Continuing U.S. concerns about Libya's relationship with some Palestinian terrorist groups and an alleged Libyan-sponsored assassination plot targeting Saudi monarch King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud thus far have delayed the recision of Libya's designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. The designation remains the most significant obstacle to the full resumption of bilateral relations. Other issues of interest to the United States include Libyan political and economic reform efforts, steps to address long standing human rights concerns, and Libyan engagement with Arab and African states. This report provides background information on Libyan history and U.S.-Libyan relations; profiles Libyan leader Muammar Al Qadhafi; discusses current political and economic reform efforts; and reviews current issues of potential congressional interest. It will be updated periodically to reflect important developments. For information about Libya see CRS Report RL32604, Libya: Legislative Basis for U.S. Economic Sanctions, by Dianne E. Rennack, and CRS Report RS21823, Disarming Libya: Weapons of Mass Destruction, by Sharon A. Squassoni and Andrew Feickert
Islamic religious schools, Madrasas background by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

12 editions published between 2004 and 2008 in English and held by 69 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Islamic religious schools known as madrasas (or madrassahs) in the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia have been of increasing interest to U.S. policymakers. Some allege ties between madrasas and terrorist organizations, such as Al Qaeda, and assert that these religious schools promote Islamic extremism and militancy. Others maintain that most of these religious schools have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-U.S. sentiments and for producing terrorists. This report provides an overview of the madrasas, their role in the Muslim world, and issues related to their alleged financing by Saudi Arabia and other donors. The report also addresses the findings of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (the "9/11 Commission") and relevant to the 109th Congress
Post-war Iraq foreign contributions to training, peacekeeping, and reconstruction by Jeremy Maxwell Sharp( Book )

10 editions published between 2005 and 2007 in English and held by 62 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Securing foreign contributions to the reconstruction and stabilization of Iraq has been a major priority for U.S. policymakers since the launch of Operation Iraqi Freedom in March 2003. This report tracks important changes in financial and personnel pledges from foreign governments since the August 19, 2003 bombing of the U.N. Headquarters in Baghdad and major events since the fall of Baghdad on April 9, 2003. Currently, there are 24 countries with military forces participating in the coalition's stabilization effort. An additional 14 countries have withdrawn their troops from Iraq due to either the successful completion of their missions, domestic political pressure to withdraw their troops, or, in the case of the Philippines, the demands of terrorist kidnappers who threatened to kill foreign hostages unless their respective countries removed their troops from Iraq. Most foreign pledges for reconstructing Iraq were made at a donors' conference in Madrid, Spain, in October 2003. Foreign donors pledged an estimated $13 billion in grants and loans for Iraq reconstruction, but have only disbursed about $3 billion to the United Nations and World Bank trust funds for Iraq. The largest non-American pledges of grants have come from Japan, the United Kingdom, Canada, South Korea, and the United Arab Emirates. The World Bank, International Monetary Fund, Japan, and Saudi Arabia have pledged the most loans and export credits. This report also discusses international efforts to train and equip the new Iraqi security forces. Since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in April 2003, several coalition, non-coalition, and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries have contributed personnel, equipment, and facilities to the training of Iraqi security and police forces. Some have expressed their willingness to contribute to future training operations within or outside of Iraq. Others have declined to participate in ongoing or planned training operations. Bush Administration officials have announced their intent to continue seeking international support or training and stability operations in Iraq in the coming months
Saudi Arabia terrorist financing issues by Alfred B Prados( Book )

8 editions published between 2004 and 2007 in English and held by 41 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The September 11, 2001 attacks fueled criticisms within the United States of alleged Saudi involvement in terrorism or of Saudi laxity in acting against terrorist groups. Of particular concern have been reports that funds may be flowing from Saudi Arabia and other Middle East countries to terrorist groups, largely under the guise of charitable contributions. Critics of Saudi policies have cited a number of reports that the Saudi government has permitted or encouraged fund raising in Saudi Arabia by charitable Islamic groups and foundations linked to Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda organization or like-minded entities. The final report released by the bipartisan National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (the 9/11 Commission) indicates that the Commission found no evidence that the Saudi government as an institution or senior Saudi officials individually funded [Al Qaeda]. The report also states, however, that Saudi Arabia was a place where Al Qaeda raised money directly from individuals and through charities, and indicates that charities with significant Saudi government sponsorship may have diverted funding to Al Qaeda. In numerous official statements and position papers, Saudi leaders have said they are committed to cooperating with the United States in fighting terrorist financing, pointing out that Saudi Arabia itself is a victim of terrorism and shares the U.S. interest in combating it. Saudi leaders acknowledge providing financial support for Islamic and Palestinian causes, but maintain that no Saudi support goes to any terrorist organizations, such as the Hamas organization. The U.S. State Department in its most recent annual report on international terrorism states that Hamas receives some funds from individuals in the Persian Gulf states but does not specifically mention Saudi Arabia
Iraq regional perspectives and U.S. policy( Book )

11 editions published between 2007 and 2008 in English and held by 31 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Iraq's neighbors have influenced events in Iraq since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, and developments in Iraq have had political, economic, and security implications for Iraq's neighbors and the broader Middle East. Ongoing insurgency and sectarian violence in Iraq and discussion of options for modifying U.S. policy toward Iraq are fueling intense consideration of Iraq's future and the current and potential policies of Iraq's neighbors. Policymakers and observers are considering a number of different "Iraq scenarios," ranging from the resolution of outstanding Iraqi political disputes and the successful consolidation of Iraq's government and security forces, to greater escalation of sectarian violence into nationwide civil war and the potential for greater intervention by Iraq's neighbors. Understanding regional perspectives on Iraq and the potential nature and likelihood of regional responses to various scenarios will be essential for Members of the 110th Congress as they consider proposed changes to U.S. policy, including the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group (ISG), new Administration initiatives, and annual appropriations and authorization legislation. Proposals for more robust U.S. diplomatic engagement with Iraq's neighbors, including currently problematic parties such as Iran and Syria, may be of particular interest to Members during the first session of the 110th Congress. The Iraq Study Group report asserted that Iraqis will not be able to achieve security and national reconciliation goals necessary to prevent a wider conflict without regional and international support. Press reports suggest that the Administration plans to strengthen security cooperation with some of Iraq's neighbors and that new arms sales and security assistance authorization and appropriations requests may be submitted to Congress to support these plans during 2007
Iraq oil and gas legislation, revenue sharing, and U.S. policy by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

10 editions published between 2007 and 2008 in English and held by 18 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Iraqi leaders continue to debate a package of hydrocarbon sector and revenue sharing legislation that will define the terms for the future management and development of the country's significant oil and natural gas resources. The package includes an oil and gas sector framework law and three supporting laws that would outline revenue sharing mechanisms, restructure Iraq's Ministry of Oil, and create an Iraqi National Oil Company. Both the Bush Administration and Congress consider the passage of oil and gas sector framework and revenue sharing legislation as important benchmarks that will indicate the current Iraqi government's commitment to promoting political reconciliation and long term economic development in Iraq. Section 1314 of the FY2007 Supplemental Appropriations Act [P.L. 110-28] specifically identifies the enactment and implementation of legislation "to ensure the equitable distribution of hydrocarbon resources of the people of Iraq without regard to the sect or ethnicity of recipients" and "to ensure that the energy resources of Iraq benefit Sunni Arabs, Shia Arabs, Kurds, and other Iraqi citizens in an equitable manner" as benchmarks on which the President must report to Congress in July and September 2007. The draft framework legislation approved by Iraq's Council of Ministers (cabinet) in February 2007 does not include revenue sharing arrangements. The companion revenue sharing law defines terms for revenue distribution. The Council of Representatives (parliament) has not yet considered either bill. The central importance of oil and gas revenue for the Iraqi economy is widely recognized by Iraqis, and most groups accept the need to create new legal and policy guidelines for the development of the country's oil and natural gas. However, Iraqi critics and supporters of the proposed legislation differ strongly on a number of key issues, including the proper role and powers of the federal and regional authorities in regulating oil and gas development; the terms and extent of potential foreign participation in the oil and gas sectors; and proposed formulas and mechanisms for equitably sharing oil and gas revenue. Concurrent, related discussions about proposed amendments to articles of Iraq's constitution that outline federal and regional oil and gas rights also are highly contentious
Libya by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

3 editions published in 2005 in English and held by 18 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Al Qaeda statements and evolving ideology by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

13 editions published between 2004 and 2007 in English and held by 18 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The release of a new videotape by Osama Bin Laden in late October 2004 rekindled public debate surrounding Al Qaeda's ideology, motives, and future plans to attack the United States. The highly political tone and content of the two most recent statements released by Osama Bin Laden [April and October 2004] have led some terrorism analysts to speculate that the messages may signal a new attempt by Bin Laden to create a lasting political leadership role for himself and Al Qaeda as the vanguard of an international Islamist ideological movement. Others have argued that Al Qaeda's presently limited capabilities have inspired a temporary rhetorical shift and that the group's primary goal remains carrying out terrorist attacks against the United States and its allies around the world, with particular emphasis on targeting economic infrastruction and fomenting unrest in Iraq and Afghanistan. This report reviews Osama Bin Laden's use of public statements from the mid-1990s to the present to analyze the evolving ideological and political content of those statements
Rising terror groups in the middle east and north africa by Alexandria Stafford( Book )

1 edition published in 2015 in English and held by 10 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

After more than a decade of combating Al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the United States now faces an increasingly diverse threat from Al Qaeda affiliates in the Middle East and Africa and from emerging groups that have adopted aspects of Al Qaeda's ideology but operate relatively or completely autonomously from the group's senior leadership. U.S. counterterrorism debates have focused on ""formal"" Al Qaeda affiliates, and policymakers increasingly are considering options for addressing the range of threats posed by the wider spectrum of groups inspired by-or similar in goals and aspirati
The United Arab Emirates nuclear program and proposed U.S. cooperation by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

6 editions published in 2009 in English and held by 6 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Islam Sunnis and Shiites by Christopher M Blanchard( )

in English and held by 4 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The majority of the world's Muslim population follows the Sunni branch of Islam, and approximately 10-15% of all Muslims follow the Shiite (Shi'ite, Shi'a, Shia) branch. Shiite populations constitute a majority in Iran, Iraq, Bahrain, and Azerbaijan. There are also significant Shiite populations in Afghanistan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen. Sunnis and Shiites share most basic religious tenets. However, their differences sometimes have been the basis for religious intolerance, political infighting, and sectarian violence. This report includes a historical background of the Sunni-Shiite split and discusses the differences in religious beliefs and practices between and within each Islamic sect as well as their similarities. The report also relates Sunni and Shiite religious beliefs to discussions of terrorism and Iraq that may be of interest during the first session of the 110th Congress
Armed conflict in Syria U.S. and international response by Jeremy M Sharp( Book )

5 editions published between 2012 and 2013 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Syria is now mired in an armed conflict between forces loyal to President Bashar al Asad and rebel fighters opposed to his rule. Since major unrest began in March 2011, various reports suggest that between 22,000 and 25,000 Syrians have been killed. U.S. officials and many analysts believe that President Bashar al Asad, his family members, and his other supporters will ultimately be forced from power, but few offer specific, credible timetables for a resolution to Syria's ongoing crisis. In the face of intense domestic and international pressure calling for political change and for an end to violence against civilians, the Asad government offered limited reforms while also meeting protests and armed attacks with overwhelming force. Nonviolent protests continued, but their apparent futility created frustration and anger within the opposition ranks. An increasing number of Syrian civilians have taken up arms in self-defense, although armed rebel attacks alienate some potential supporters. The government accuses the opposition of carrying out bombings and assassinations targeting security infrastructure, security personnel, and civilians in Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, and other areas. Accounts of human rights abuses by both sides persist, with the majority attributed to security forces and military units. President Obama and his Administration have been calling for Asad's resignation since August 2011, and have been vocal advocates for United Nations Security Council action to condemn the Syrian government and end the bloodshed. The United States closed its embassy in Damascus, and Ambassador Robert Ford left Syria. U.S. officials are actively participating in efforts to improve international policy coordination on Syria. The Administration has given no indication that it intends to pursue any form of military intervention. U.S. officials and some in Congress continue to debate various proposals for ending the violence and accelerating Asad's departure. After over a year of unrest and violence, Syria's crisis is characterized by dilemmas and contradictions. A menu of imperfect choices confronts U.S. policymakers, amid fears of continued violence, a humanitarian crisis, and regional instability. The potential spillover effects of continued fighting raise questions with regard to Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Israel. Larger refugee flows, sectarian conflict, or transnational violence by non-state actors are among the contingencies that policy makers are concerned about in relation to these countries. The unrest also is creating new opportunities for Al Qaeda or other violent extremist groups to operate in Syria. The security of Syrian conventional and chemical weapons stockpiles has become a regional security concern, which will grow if a security vacuum emerges. Many observers worry that an escalation in fighting or swift regime change could generate new pressures on minority groups or lead to wider civil or regional conflict
Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations( Book )

6 editions published between 2008 and 2009 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The kingdom of Saudi Arabia, ruled by the Al Saud family since its founding in 1932, wields significant political and economic influence as the birthplace of the Islamic faith and by virtue of its large energy reserves. Since 2005, King Abdullah bin Abd al Aziz Al Saud has sought to strengthen Saudi relations with European and Asian counterparts and has worked to build and lead an Arab consensus on regional security issues such as Lebanon and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Recent domestic reforms have codified royal succession rules, begun restructuring the justice system, and updated some educational curricula and practices. An Al Qaeda-inspired terrorist campaign inside the kingdom appears to be ebbing as security improvements and anti-extremism campaigns are implemented. However, the threat of domestic terrorism remains. Robust energy export revenues and investment-friendly reforms continue to strengthen the kingdom's regional and global economic position. A close Cold War-era relationship between the U.S. Government and the ruling Al Saud family was built on shared interests in securing Saudi oil production and in combating global Communism. In the post-Cold War period, the emergence of the Al Qaeda terrorist threat and volatile regional security conditions in the Middle East have tested U.S.-Saudi relations. The direct participation of 15 Saudi nationals in the terrorist attacks of 9/11 2001, and the identification of several Saudi nationals as alleged supporters of terrorism have called into question Saudi Arabia's reliability as an ally. Increased official counterterrorism cooperation and shared concerns about Iranian foreign policy have provided a new strategic logic for U.S.-Saudi security relations since 2003. Long-standing defense ties remain intact, and U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia have continued, with over $14 billion in potential Foreign Military Sales to Saudi Arabia approved by the Bush Administration and Congress since January 2005
Qatar : background and U.S. relations by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

2 editions published between 2012 and 2014 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Qatar, a small peninsular country in the Persian Gulf, emerged as a partner of the United States in the mid-1990s and currently serves as host to major U.S. military facilities. Qatar holds the third largest proven natural gas reserves in the world, and its small citizenry enjoys the world's highest per capita income. The emir of Qatar, Shaykh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, has managed a course of major economic growth and very limited political liberalization since replacing his father in a bloodless palace coup in 1995. The emir has undertaken several projects to capitalize on Qatar's hydrocarbon resources, improve educational opportunities for Qatari citizens, and pursue economic diversification. As part of Qatar's liberalization experiment, the Qatari monarchy founded Al Jazeera, the first all-news Arabic language satellite television network, in 1995. The network has proven influential and controversial since its establishment, including during recent unrest in the Arab world. In an April 2003 referendum, Qatari voters approved a new constitution that officially granted women the right to vote and run for national office. Long-delayed elections for two-thirds of the seats in a national Advisory Council outlined by the new constitution are planned for 2013. Central Municipal Council elections were held in May 2011. Qatari officials have taken an increasingly active diplomatic role in recent years, seeking to position themselves as mediators and interlocutors in a number of regional conflicts. Qatar's deployment of fighter jets and transport planes to support NATO-led military operations in Libya signaled a new assertiveness, as have Qatari leaders' calls for providing weapons to the Syrian opposition. Qatar's willingness to embrace Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Taliban as part of its mediation and outreach initiatives has drawn scrutiny from some U.S. observers. Unrest in Syria and Hamas-Fatah reconciliation attempts have created challenging choices for Qatar, and Qatari leaders now host Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal following his split with the Asad regime. The Obama Administration has not voiced public concern about Qatar's multidirectional foreign policy and has sought to preserve and expand military and counterterrorism cooperation with the ambitious leaders of this wealthy, strategically located country
Libya : transition and U.S. policy by Christopher M Blanchard( Book )

2 editions published between 2012 and 2014 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Libya's post-conflict transition is underway, as Libyans work to consolidate change from the 40-year authoritarian dictatorship of Muammar al Qadhafi to a planned representative government based on democratic and Islamic principles. At present, government functions are in the hands of the 76-member Transitional National Council (TNC), which carries out interim legislative and oversight responsibilities at the national level. Its 27-member executive cabinet oversees ministerial portfolios and includes figures responsible for foreign affairs, defense, interior security, oil, economy, militia demobilization, and other issues. TNC Chairman Mustafa Abdeljalil and cabinet leader Interim Prime Minister Abdurrahim El Keib direct the TNC's efforts. They and their colleagues are indirectly answerable to a wide range of locally and regionally organized activists, local committees, prominent personalities, tribes, militias, and civil society groups seeking to shape the transition and safeguard the revolution's achievements. The transition period may prove to be as complex and challenging for Libyans and their international counterparts as the 2011 conflict. Overcoming the legacy of Qadhafi's rule and the effects of the fighting are now the principal challenges for the Libyan people, the TNC, and the international community. As the transition unfolds, Libyans are facing key questions about basic terms for transitional justice, a new constitutional order, political participation, and Libyan foreign policy. Security challenges, significant investment needs, and vigorous political debates are now emerging. As Libyans work to shape their future, Congress and the Administration have the first opportunity to fully redefine U.S.-Libyan relations since the 1960s
The Gulf Security Dialogue and Related Arms Sale Proposals by Christopher M Blanchard( )

4 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In May 2006, the Administration launched an effort to revive U.S.-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) security cooperation under the auspices of a new Gulf Security Dialogue (GSD). The Dialogue now serves as the principal security coordination mechanism between the United States and the six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) - Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman. The core objectives of the Dialogue are the promotion of intra-GCC and GCC-U.S. cooperation to meet common perceived threats. The Dialogue provides a framework for U.S. engagement with the GCC countries in the following six areas: (1) the improvement of GCC defense capabilities and interoperability; (2) regional security issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Lebanon; (3) counter-proliferation; (4) counter-terrorism and internal security; (5) critical infrastructure protection; and (6) commitments to Iraq. The Administration has proposed a series of arms sales intended to enhance the defense capabilities of the GCC countries and improve the interoperability of their militaries in line with the objectives of the Gulf Security Dialogue. In particular, the Administration recently has proposed the sale of defense systems designed to strengthen the maritime, air, and missile defenses of some GCC members. Under Section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), Congress must be formally notified 30 calendar-days before the Administration can take the final steps to conclude a government-to-government Foreign Military Sale of: 1) major defense equipment to a non-NATO government valued at $14 million or more, 2) defense articles or services valued at $50 million or more, or 3) design and construction services valued at $200 million or more. Congress may review proposed sales and take steps to amend or prohibit them
The Islamic traditions of Wahhabism and Salafiyya by Christopher M Blanchard( )

2 editions published between 2003 and 2007 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and subsequent investigations of these attacks have called attention to Islamic puritanical movements known as Wahhabism and Salafiyya. The Al Qaeda terrorist network and its leader, Osama bin Laden, have advocated a message of violence that some suggest is an extremist interpretation of this line of puritanical Islam. Other observers have accused Saudi Arabia, the center of Wahhabism, of having disseminated a religion that promotes hatred and violence, targeting the United States and its allies. Saudi officials strenuously deny these allegations. This report provides a background on Wahhabi Islam and its association to militant fundamentalist groups; it also summarizes recent charges against Wahhabism and responses, including the findings of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States ("The 9/11 Commission") and bills relevant to this issue
Iran: Regional Perspectives and U.S. Policy( )

1 edition published in 2010 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

As the Administration and Congress move forward to pursue engagement, harsher sanctions, or both, regional actors are evaluating their policies and priorities with respect to Iran. Iran's neighbors share many U.S. concerns, but often evaluate them differently than the United States when calculating their own relationship with or policy toward Iran. Because Iran and other regional concerns-the Arab-Israeli peace process, stability in Lebanon and Iraq, terrorism, and the ongoing war in Afghanistan-have become increasingly intertwined, understanding the policies and perspectives of Iran's neighbors could be crucial during the consideration of options to address overall U.S. policy toward Iran
Iraq oil-for-food program, illicit trade, and investigations by Kenneth Katzman( )

2 editions published between 2005 and 2006 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The "oil-for-food" program (OFFP) was the centerpiece of a long-standing U.N. Security Council effort to alleviate human suffering in Iraq while maintaining key elements of the 1991 Gulf war-related sanctions regime. In order to ensure that Iraq remained contained and that only humanitarian needs were served by the program, the program imposed controls on Iraqi oil exports and humanitarian imports. All Iraqi oil revenues legally earned under the program were held in a U.N.-controlled escrow account and were not accessible to the regime of Saddam Hussein. The program was in operation from December 1996 until March 2003. Observers generally agree that the program substantially eased, but did not eliminate, human suffering in Iraq. Concerns about the program's early difficulties prompted criticism of the United States; critics asserted that the U.S. strategy was to maintain sanctions on Iraq indefinitely as a means of weakening Saddam Hussein's grip on power. At the same time, growing regional and international sympathy for the Iraqi people resulted in a pronounced relaxation of regional enforcement -- or even open defiance -- of the Iraq sanctions. The United States and other members of the United Nations Security Council were aware of billions of dollars in oil sales by Iraq to its neighbors in violation of the U.N. sanctions regime and outside of the OFFP, but did not take action to punish states engaged in illicit oil trading with Saddam Hussein's regime. Successive Administrations issued annual waivers to Congress exempting Turkey and Jordan from unilateral U.S. sanctions for their violations of U.N. oil embargo on Iraq. Until 2002, the United States argued that continued U.N. sanctions were critical to preventing Iraq from acquiring equipment that could be used to reconstitute banned weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs. In 2002, the Bush Administration asserted that sanctions were not sufficient to contain a mounting threat from Saddam Hussein's regime and the Administration decided that the military overthrow of that regime had become necessary
 
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Afghanistan : narcotics and U.S. policy
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