Grieger, Gisela

EU trade with Latin America and the Caribbean : overview and figures : in-depth analysis by Gisela Grieger( )

4 editions published between 2017 and 2019 in English and held by 7 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Collectively, the 33 countries forming the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) are the EU's fifth largest trading partner. On trade, the EU has fully fledged agreements with two Latin American groupings (Cariforum and the Central America group), a multiparty trade agreement with three countries of the Andean Community (Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), and agreements with Mexico and Chile that are in the process of being modernised. A new agreement with Cuba has been provisionally applied since November 2017, although its trade provisions are not as comprehensive as those of some of the other agreements. The EU's ongoing longstanding negotiations with Mercosur on an association agreement build on existing bilateral and inter-regional framework agreements with both Mercosur and its individual members. The EU's agreements governing trade relations with Latin American and Caribbean subgroupings and individual countries differ considerably in terms of coverage and methodology, depending on the time at which they were concluded and the backdrop to the negotiations. The EU now aims to modernise the trade pillars of its agreements with Mexico (an 'agreement in principle' was reached in April 2018) and Chile (ongoing negotiations) in order to align them to the current standards of EU FTAs. In addition, the EU and Mercosur intend to finish their negotiations on a comprehensive agreement governing trade relations before the end of 2018. If they succeed, the EU would have comprehensive agreements governing trade relations with nearly all of Latin America and the Caribbean (with the exception of Bolivia, Cuba and Venezuela)

One belt, one road (OBOR) : China's regional integration initiative by Gisela Grieger( )

1 edition published in 2016 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In 2013, China launched its 'One Belt, One Road' (OBOR) initiative. OBOR is China's broadly sketched vision of how it plans to boost regional integration in its wider neighbourhood. The initiative is unprecedented in terms of China's financial engagement and the innovative network-based project design which is intended to contribute to a more inclusive global governance. It contrasts sharply with existing treaty-based integration concepts where the geographical scope, partner countries, strategy, principles and rules were clearly defined at the outset. China's new development vision has been seen as an alternative to regional trade agreements which do not include it; as a strategy for asserting its leadership role in Asia in response to the US pivot to Asia; as an economic outreach towards Asian countries for resolving territorial and maritime disputes by exporting China's domestic development policies; as a means of tapping into new sources of growth to check the marked downturn in its economy; as a tool for tackling the socio-economic divide between its inland and coastal provinces; and finally, as a venue for addressing security challenges on its western periphery as well as energy security issues. The response to China's regional integration vision has been mixed. While the idea of enhancing connectivity has drawn considerable interest, given the huge infrastructure gaps across Asia, scepticism regarding China's potential hegemonic ambitions has prevailed notably among regional rivals India and Japan as well as the USA. Whether OBOR will be mutually beneficial for China and the EU will depend on the two sides agreeing on the 'rules of the game', including for joint projects in third countries. Potential synergies between OBOR and the EU connectivity initiatives are being explored under the EU-China Connectivity Platform

China's Arctic policy : how China aligns rights and interests by Gisela Grieger( )

1 edition published in 2018 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Unlike the Arctic states, China has no territorial sovereignty and related sovereign rights to resource extraction and fishing in the Arctic. Faced with very limited rights as a non-Arctic state, China has been eager to design strategies to bridge the widening gap between the legal and institutional constraints in the Arctic and its growing Arctic interests. It has developed a self-defined Arctic identity as a 'near-Arctic state' and sought - and in 2013 gained - observer status in the Arctic Council, to prepare the ground for a future expanded foothold in the region

China's shift to clean energies by Gisela Grieger( )

1 edition published in 2015 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The Chinese government's significant policy and financial support for the renewable energy sector confirmed China's world leadership in total installed renewable power capacity in 2013. For the first time China's new renewable power capacity exceeded its new fossil fuel and nuclear capacity. In 2013, China attracted more green investment than the EU28. With the rebalancing of its overall economy from an export-led to a more consumption-based growth model, the Chinese renewable energy sector is redirecting its focus from exports towards greater domestic use

Minerals from conflict areas : existing and new responsible-sourcing initiatives by Gisela Grieger( )

1 edition published in 2014 in English and held by 3 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Revenue derived from the extraction of and/or trade in minerals in resource-rich developing countries may be used to finance internal armed conflicts, as witnessed in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The specific guidelines for the DRC issued by the United Nations (UN), and the more general guidance from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) on the responsible sourcing of certain minerals from conflict-affected areas, address this link, and form the current international normative framework. The first domestic legislation tackling so-called conflict minerals was passed in 2010 by the US Congress. It requires US-listed companies to disclose whether or not their products contain certain minerals from the DRC or its neighboring countries. In parallel, work on a regional regulatory framework in the Great Lakes Region of Central Africa and on (mostly industry-led) mineral traceability and certification schemes has gained momentum. Following a public consultation on a potential comprehensive EU legal framework, the European Commission (EC) is due to decide on the form of future action later this year. Stakeholder groups believe any potential EU legislation should have broader scope than US law, in terms of material and geographic range. EU industry, for its part, has been a strong proponent of voluntary, supply-chain transparency schemes

New sanctions against North Korea : the challenges of implementation and China by Gisela Grieger( )

1 edition published in 2016 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In January 2016, North Korea conducted its fourth nuclear test, exposing the inability of UN sanctions to prevent the reclusive regime from gradually enhancing its ballistic missile capabilities and miniaturising a nuclear warhead. Despite China's past principled reluctance to agree to UN economic sanctions against its military ally, and its selective implementation of the previous sanctions scheme, which has been widely perceived as the major cause of its ineffectiveness, in March 2016 China endorsed UN Security Council resolution 2270(2016). The latter expands significantly the scope of previous sanctions against North Korea. China's frustration at its lack of leverage over North Korea to prevent it from further escalating regional tensions, combined with the response from Japan, South Korea and the United States, has compelled it to endorse tougher sanctions against North Korea as a means of bringing it back to the negotiation table. However, China has emphasised that stiffer sanctions alone will not be a panacea for the Korean Peninsula's denuclearisation. China plays a vital role in ensuring a meaningful impact of the newly adopted sanctions, given its intense economic relations with North Korea. A consensus between China and the USA on a common approach to North Korea which accommodates their conflicting geostrategic interests would be crucial for engaging North Korea. But given the latter's staunch insistence on its status as a nuclear-armed state, prospects are grim for a resumption of the stalled Six Party Talks to replicate--under much more complex circumstances--what was achieved with Iran in 2015

Shrinking legal space for civil society in Russia( )

1 edition published in 2013 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

El proceso de integración europea de Kosovo( Book )

1 edition published in 2013 in Spanish and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

Rechtsraum für die Zivilgesellschaft in Russland schrumpft( )

1 edition published in 2013 in German and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide

EU support for education in developing countries targeting those most in need and in situations of fragility( Book )

1 edition published in 2013 in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide