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NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIV WASHINGTON DC INST FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES

Overview
Works: 699 works in 734 publications in 1 language and 768 library holdings
Genres: Conference papers and proceedings  History 
Classifications: F1928.2, 972.94073
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works by NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIV WASHINGTON DC INST FOR NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES
1998 Strategic Assessment, Engaging Power for Peace( Book )

2 editions published in 1998 in English and held by 8 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Over the past few years the Department of Defense has been intensifying its study of the global security situation, U.S. force posture, and future defense requirements. The National Defense University contributes to this dialog through Strategic Assessment, an annual publication which applies the expertise of this institution through the leadership of its interdisciplinary research arm, the Institute for National Strategic Studies, with the assistance of specialists from elsewhere in government and academe. Offering such analyses, in both general and particular areas of interest to the national security community is an important aspect of the NDU mission. This volume examines various approaches that the United States might adopt to shape the strategic environment of the future. The current environment is characterized by instability and change. The U.S. Government needs to apply the full range of options at its disposal to achieve national goals and ensure the peace and stability required to preserve our rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. But such options must be studied and conceptualized for years (and in some cases, decades) in advance to take advantage of the opportunities presented by a changing global environment. The recent Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) recommended a series of defense posture changes. This volume reviews these recommendations and takes the next analytical step, to propose what is entailed by such changes. Strategic Assessment 1998: Engaging Power for Peace should prove useful beyond the defense establishment, to all readers with an interest in national security affairs
Military Innovation and Carrier Aviation - An Analysis( Book )

2 editions published in 1998 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The first part of this article, which appeared in the last issue of JFQ, charted the historical development of British and American carrier aviation, with particular emphasis on the complex interplay of technological, operational, and organizational factors. The second part treats key questions on how this revolution succeeded in the U.S. Navy and was rather less successful in the Royal Navy and what that implies for military innovation. Among questions considered are: (1) How quickly did those who grasped the vision move from a vague to a clearly defined vision? (2) How quickly did change take place? (3) Which mattered more to making progress, individuals or groups? (4) What were the barriers to change and how were they overcome? (5) Did change depend on having a particular enemy? (6) How important was competition? (7) How important was a consciousness of the new concept's potential?
Managing Strategic Competition with China (Strategic Forum, Number 242, July 2009)( Book )

1 edition published in 2009 in English and held by 2 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Officials in the Obama administration have highlighted the need for a "positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship" with China that can help the United States address an array of global challenges. Administration officials have not adopted the "responsible stakeholder" language that characterized recent U.S. China policy, but their overall approach appears compatible with that concept. Initial policy statements have focused on expanding U.S.-China cooperation, with particular emphasis on addressing the global economic crisis and climate change. This paper focuses on an important but neglected topic: how to address the challenges posed by China's development of advanced strategic and military capabilities that might threaten U.S. interests within the context of a broader policy emphasizing engagement and cooperation with China. Relations in four strategic areas -- nuclear modernization, space and counterspace, cyber warfare, and conventional force modernization -- are analyzed, and the potential for competitive dynamics in these areas to affect the stability of the broader U.S.-China bilateral relationship is explored. The paper suggests that China's approach to nuclear modernization, which has sought to maintain a credible second-strike capability that would induce U.S. restraint while minimizing economic and political costs, may be a model for its future behavior in other areas. However, specific characteristics of these areas -- including the expected costs of competitive behavior and the extent to which deterrence functions effectively -- may also influence competitive dynamics
Chokepoints : maritime economic concerns in the Southeast Asia by John Halvard Noer( )

2 editions published in 1996 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

To ensure unrestricted sea lines of communication (SLOCs) in Southeast Asia (SEA), the U.S. Navy is assigned the task of helping to maintain clear maritime passage through the sea lanes of the region. For many years, the prime concern was military, not economic, as the United States required secure maritime transport via SLOCs in case of war. Now the emphasis has shifted to the economic component of our national security, a policy reaffirmed when the United States announced it would not accept disruption of trade in the South China Sea. In March and again in May, 1995, Secretary of State Christopher warned quarreling claimants to the Spratly reefs not to interfere with international shipping. What is the economic logic behind the American stance on freedom of navigation for commercial shipping? For the U.S. a concern is: "Who benefits from keeping sea lanes open, and how much do they benefit?" A related question is: "Who would be hurt if the sea lanes were closed, and how much would it hurt them?"
The United States and the Persian Gulf : reshaping security strategy for the post-containment era by National Military Establishment (U.S.)( )

1 edition published in 2003 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

As this book goes to press in early 2003, U.S.-led military action to eliminate Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and to create postwar conditions that could support democratic political development appears increasingly likely. However that operation unfolds, it will mark an end to the decade-long policy of containment of Iraq and set the stage for a new American approach to security cooperation and political engagement throughout the Persian Gulf. The chapters in this book offer a timely and sustainable roadmap for a new U.S. strategy and military posture in the region. The presence of U.S. forces in the Persian Gulf, particularly in Saudi Arabia, has been a highly contentious issue in the Arab world since the Persian Gulf War of 1991. While this presence gave the United States and its coalition partners new flexibility in containing Saddam Husayn, managing regional stability, and ensuring access to oil, it also exacerbated anti-American sentiment, particularly among the more devout and disaffected youth in the region. Removal of that presence and of the governments that allowed it became a rallying cry for Osama bin Laden and in the development of the terrorist jihad of al Qaeda. However, as contributors to this volume make clear, even in the absence of the new demands of the global war on terrorism, other regional political and strategic developments, as well as the erosion of international support for dual containment, warrant a reshaping of that military presence. Moreover, the continued transformation of U.S. military forces, including the enhancement of expeditionary and long-range power projection capabilities, could allow for a reduced forward presence in the Gulf. Managing such a transition will require a comprehensive regional strategy and reduction of the Iraqi threat to the region. Washington's scope for action will be greatly influenced by how military action against Iraq unfolds and what conclusions other countries in the region draw from it
Energy Security in South Asia: Can Interdependence Breed Stability? (Strategic Forum. Number 232, September 2008)( )

1 edition published in 2008 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

South Asia is projected to play a major role in global energy markets over the next several decades, with India alone expected to become the world's third largest importer of petroleum by 2030. Satisfying the region's growing demands will require a heightened degree of energy interdependence among historically antagonistic states. Consequently, like it or not, regional leaders will face a tradeoff between traditional desires for energy self-sufficiency and the ambitious development targets that they have set for themselves. Achieving such growth, therefore, requires that India, Pakistan, and the other countries of South Asia first address the persistent international disputes that hamper cross-border energy trade, establish effective control over presently ungoverned areas, reorient the missions of military forces to some extent, and develop a better understanding of the effects that energy interdependence will have on broader relations with neighbors. From the U.S. point of view, understanding the multifaceted causal connections that exist among economic development, energy supplies, and security and stability, and how these dynamics are likely to affect South Asian states decisionmaking, may provide points of leverage with which policymakers can shape behavior on a wide range of issues affecting U.S. objectives in the region
Turkey's international affairs : shaping the U.S.-Turkey strategic partnership by Sean Kay( )

2 editions published in 1997 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Turkey remains at a key geostrategic crossroads for U.S. security interests in Europe, the Middle East, and Central Asia. Yet, there is a perceived divergence of strategic interests between the United States and Turkey which was exacerbated by domestic political quarreling between the Islamist-led government of Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan and the Turkish General Staff. The June change in government, which saw the resignation of Erbakan, is unlikely to resolve these differences. Membership in the European Union (EU) and the Western European Union (WEU) are key foreign policy goals for Turkey's secularist Eurocentric generals. Although the prospects for admission are slim for now, Turkish military and civilian officials place a high priority on trade and investment opportunities to be gained from EU membership. The Turkish government had backed away from efforts to link support for NATO enlargement to Turkish acceptance as a full member in the EU. Nonetheless, Turkey is not enthusiastic about NATO enlargement and may push for a substantial pause after the first round or make another effort at linkage
Strategic Forum, Number 11. The Revolution in Military Affairs( )

2 editions published in 1994 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The Conference Conclusions were: The most fundamental strategic challenge to the U.S. military is to convert the Military-Technological Revolution, the impact of information technologies on warfare into a Revolution in Military Affairs the subsequent transformation of operations and organizations. Although the U.S. military's grasp of the MTR is unquestioned, optimism that the United States will lead others in converting the MTR to an RMA is premature. The core debate at the Conference was over the relative importance of today's small but irksome military tasks compared to potentially more critical but totally unknown tasks that may face the nation two decades from now. Although information technologies going into military systems have generally been no better, and often less current, than those of commercial systems available for military use, converting data into information remains a highly sophisticated art at which the United States excels. Other nations with clearer strategic purpose and less sunk capital at risk from an RMA could be the leaders in this new race. The United States would be better off it those nations were to waste decades trying to copy what they thought we could do in the 1990s rather than seeking to leapfrog us by grasping thru RMA before we do
Interagency and political-military dimensions of peace operations : Haiti, a case study by Margaret Daly Hayes( )

1 edition published in 1996 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This report summarizes the workshop discussions and analyzes the issues that arose. It does not pretend to be the definitive statement on Operation Uphold Democracy. The rapporteurs have adhered to the discussion and observations of workshop participants. The report seeks to reflect those individuals' insights into the specific problems of civilian-military and interagency planning as they relate to the issues of command and control. Chapter 2 develops the chronology of the overall operation with a time line displaying the relationship between political events and the planning process. Chapter 3 analyzes what went right in the operation and what contributed to success. Chapter 4 is an analysis of the issues that arose between DoD and the other organizations involved, and of the issues that arose between the strategic, operational, and tactical levels within and outside DoD. Policy and organizational issues are examined, as well as issues perceived as unique to the Haiti operation. Lessons learned are summarized in the final chapter
America and the Asia-Pacific Region( )

1 edition published in 1995 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Change is a word heard so often that it has lost its impact. Most of the attention to change in Asia has been focused on dynamic economic growth. It would be almost impossible to miss a shift as dramatic as that in the global economic axis reaching from the Atlantic to the Pacific basin. The world's highest growth rates are in Asia and huge markets are opening throughout the region. One must aggregate the member nations of the European Union to equate Europe with Japan or, increasingly, with greater China which includes both Taiwan and Hong Kong. No single nation in Europe, not even a reunited Germany, comes close. To Japan and greater China must be added South Korea and member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) which have a growing regional economy with more than 300 million people. If the region is expanded to include South Asia, India is added with almost a billion people and a growing middle class. Centers of international power and leadership have historically been aligned with the global economic axis. In the age of Greece and Rome that axis centered on the Mediterranean. In the age of European colonial dominance and the rise of America, it moved to the Atlantic. At some point in the late 1980s and without fanfare, the GNP of the Asia-Pacific region exceeded that of Europe. With Japan and America accounting for more than 40 percent of world GNP, the axis shifted again. But economic change is only part of the dynamic. It could be overemphasized while more significant strategic changes are ignored. Japan is grappling with a fundamental identity crisis that it avoided facing in the Cold War
Energy and national security in the 21st century( )

2 editions published in 1995 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

There is broad consensus that the United States must maintain a military readiness to defend oil supplies if needed. The need for a military component to energy security is made more manifest by the concentration of oil resources in the politically volatile Persian Gulf. The market forces which the U.S. government is encouraging should make the United States and world economy more dependent of Persian Gulf oil, which is the cheapest source of energy available. That concentration of energy production in one area makes the world economy more vulnerable to supply disruptions, including by a dictator eager to create a temporary shortage that drives up prices or encourages others to turn a blind eye to his aggressive plans
Strategic Forum. Number 17. Reshaping Cooperative Security Among Central American States( )

3 editions published in 1995 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The post-Cold War period has been marked by an array of non-traditional security concerns that affect all three North American states in one way or another, including the cross-border flow of illicit drugs, contraband weapons, and illegal immigrants. These "security" concerns are distinctive because the non-state actors associated with them have tentacles that stretch across national boundaries. Consequently, the three states can address these problems effectively only via coordinated, multilateral action. Making the security relationship trilateral might be attractive for both Mexico and Canada because it could attenuate the fundamental disparity in power they both confront when dealing individually with the "Colossus" of North America. Perhaps the dawning of an era of expanded economic integration, growing interdependence, and shared transnational concerns will be conducive to reexamining the basis for future security cooperation
Eliminating Adversary WMD: Lessons for Future Conflicts. Strategic Forum. Number 211, October 2004( )

2 editions published in 2004 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The failure to find substantial evidence of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons in Iraq has exposed serious weaknesses in the U.S. understanding of the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) threat posed by its adversaries and in its ability to deal with these threats. A rancorous and highly politicized debate, primarily about the intelligence assessments of Iraqi WMD capabilities before Operation Iraqi Freedom, has dominated the national discussion of WMD in Iraq for months. Although Iraqi WMD capabilities remain elusive and, indeed, weapons may never be found, elimination operations conducted there provide important lessons. The United States must begin to develop a permanent capability to plan for and conduct WMD elimination operations. The Department of Defense (DOD) in particular must begin to build such a capability as part of its overall approach to combating WMD proliferation. To be effective, however, DOD must work in concert with interagency partners and avoid a go-it-alone approach to this national priority. preparations began for Operation Iraqi Freedom, policymakers and military planners began to wrestle with the challenges posed by Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD). confronting Saddam Hussein. Just as in the first Gulf War in 1991, deterring and defending against possible Iraqi use of WMD against coalition forces were key concerns for planners. However, as the crisis escalated in 2002, Department of Defense (DOD) planners began to foresee another challenge: how to remove comprehensively and permanently the threat of Iraqi WMD, not just to U.S. troops but also to the Middle East region and the world
The mesh and the net : speculations on armed conflict in a time of free silicon by Martin C Libicki( )

2 editions published between 1994 and 1995 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This report contains information concerning the impact of computer technology on future military conflicts
U.S.-Russian Relations: Toward a New Strategic Framework( )

2 editions published in 2002 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

President Vladimir Putin's support for the global war on terrorism demonstrates his strong commitment to Russia's integration with the West. His determination has survived several crucial early tests, notably the U.S. decision to withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, U.S. military deployments to Central Asia, and the prospect of Baltic states becoming members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Putin's new course has not been well received by the Russian national security establishment. The United States cannot take Russia's newfound pragmatism for granted. Sustaining positive relations with Russia will not be cost-free, but it is a promising investment in a relationship and a region whose importance after September 11 has taken on a new meaning. A strong, friendly Russia can help bolster stability and security in Eurasia and combat terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Russia's Westward progress would be encouraged by several developments: a bilateral strategic framework that constrains American ability to reconstitute a vast nuclear arsenal and provides reassurances that future U.S. missile defenses will not negate Russian retaliatory capabilities; a new NATO-Russia relationship in the management of European security affairs; transparency measures concerning U.S. military operations in Central Asia; and multilateral relief from Soviet-era debt and other forms of financial assistance linked to restraints on WMD exports and more effective controls on weapons-grade material
Strategic Forum, Number 235, October 2008. The Absence of Europe: Implications for International Security?( )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Facing a worsening economic situation and a war in Iraq that will be difficult to end in short, grave overstretch the next U.S. administration will seek to return to a more multilateral foreign policy and attempt to work closely with Europe. But Europe may not be willing or able to meet American expectations to play a larger role in international security. Europe has not become a federal United States of Europe, as French statesman Jean Monnet hoped, and it has failed to achieve consensus on institutions. At least for the next year, the European Union (EU) will be trying to find a way around the June 2008 defeat of the Lisbon Treaty, the set of institutional reforms aimed at streamlining the work of the enlarged union. Without adequate institutions to formulate and implement a common foreign policy, the EU cannot make effective use of military force. And without greater capability, Europe whether as the EU, through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), or as individual states will punch below its weight. The EU has derived much of its influence from enlargement, but it seems to have lost its nerve over the possibility of Turkish membership. NATO expansion, meanwhile, has inflamed Russian resentments and helped to trigger the Georgian crisis. A more assertive Russia could divide Europe and complicate transatlantic ties; a threatening Russia could cement them
What is information warfare? by Martin C Libicki( )

2 editions published in 1995 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This essay examines that line of thinking and indicates several fundamental flaws while arguing the following points: Information warfare, as a separate technique of waging war, does not exist. There are, instead, several distinct forms of information warfare, each laying claim to the larger concept. Seven forms of information warfare-conflicts that involve the protection, manipulation, degradation, and denial of information-can be distinguished: (1) command-and-control warfare (which strikes against the enemy's head and neck), (2) intelligence-based warfare (which consists of the design, protection, and denial of systems that seek sufficient knowledge to dominate the battlespace), (3) electronic warfare (radio-electronic or cryptographic techniques), (4) psychological warfare (in which information is used to change the minds of friends, neutrals, and foes), (5) "hacker" warfare (in which computer systems are attacked), (6) economic information warfare (blocking information or channeling it to pursue economic dominance), and (7) cyberwarfare (a grab bag of futuristic scenarios). All these forms are weakly related. The concept of information warfare has as much analytic coherence as the concept, for instance, of an information worker. The several forms range in maturity from the historic (that information technology influences but does not control) to the fantastic (which involves assumptions about societies and organizations that are not necessarily true). Although information systems are becoming important, it does not follow that attacks on information systems are therefore more worthwhile. On the contrary, as monolithic computer, communications, and media architectures give way to distributed systems, the returns from many forms of information warfare diminish. Information is not in and of itself a medium of warfare, except in certain narrow aspects (such as electronic jamming)
Dominant battlespace knowledge : the winning edge( )

2 editions published between 1995 and 1996 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Partial contents include: DBK: Opportunity and Challenges; DBK and its Consequences; Significance of Dominant Battlefield Awareness; The Future of Command and Control with DBK; Dominant Battlefield Awareness and Future Warfare; DBK with Autonomous Weapons; Just In Time Warfare
Challenges to Persian Gulf Security: How Should the United States Respond? (Strategic Forum, Number 237, November 2008)( )

2 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Persian Gulf security challenges will increasingly pose difficult choices for the next administration. Iran's quest for regional preeminence, driven by the impulses of exceptionalism and self-sufficiency that are deeply engrained in the country's political psyche, will not slacken any time soon. Seeing such preeminence as its historic prerogative, Tehran still aspires to acquire a military posture, including nuclear capability, commensurate with that vision. Iran's neighbors, inevitably, are caught in the middle. A fragile Iraq will seek a middle ground between Iran and the United States because it needs the support of both to preserve its independence and territorial integrity. The Arab Gulf states, meanwhile, will try to restore a balance of power in the region -- their traditional preference -- while they seek new commitments to their security from the United States and new customers in Asia, in particular China and India. The United States faces three challenges in the Gulf. The toughest challenge by far is whether to engage Iran and, if so, how. The risks of doing so are not trivial, but there is also common ground to be claimed, especially on achieving a stable Iraq. The second delicate issue is what posture to take on reform within the Gulf states. Internal pressures for reform are growing, yet a heavy-handed approach can trigger local cynicism of U.S. motives and charges of double standards. The third challenge is how to build cooperation between the Gulf states and Iraq. Strengthening borders and redeveloping economic and security linkages can be an important down payment on better relations, but lingering suspicions will be hard to overcome. Iraq's interest in purchasing American-made aircraft (F-16s, according to press accounts) and recent use of the Iraqi army to reestablish control of public spaces inside the country have already raised concern among Iraq's Kurds and in Kuwait
The U.S.-Japan alliance redefined by Patrick M Cronin( )

2 editions published in 1996 in English and held by 0 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In April 1996, in one of the most important bilateral summit meetings in the history of the U.S.-Japan alliance, President Bill Clinton and Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto convincingly reaffirmed the significance of the security relationship to the emerging security environment. Alliance managers in both countries faced growing pressure to reduce U.S. troop presence, particularly in Okinawa. An interim report of the Special Action Committee on Okinawa, released just prior to the summit, recommending the return of one-fifth of the total acreage (including the Futenma Air Station) of U.S. facilities to Okinawa within the next 5-to-7 years, won a ringing endorsement from most Japanese. Challenges to the summits success could arise from two sources: exaggerated public understanding within Japan and the United States over what to expect from the other partner, and miscalculations of other regional actors, especially the potential for China to perceive U.S.-Japan collaboration as threatening
 
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