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Council on Foreign Relations

Overview
Works: 1,960 works in 4,769 publications in 4 languages and 173,098 library holdings
Genres: Periodicals  Bibliographies  Handbooks and manuals  Directories  History  Archives  Sources  Conference papers and proceedings  Bibliography  Dictionaries 
Roles: isb, Other, Publisher, Distributor, Editor, pub, Printer
Publication Timeline
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Most widely held works about Council on Foreign Relations
 
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Most widely held works by Council on Foreign Relations
Foreign affairs( )

in English and English, Old and held by 4,710 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Electronic journal provided by The Council on Foreign Relations on international politics and other issues
Restoring the balance : a Middle East strategy for the next president by Richard Haass( )

11 editions published in 2008 in English and held by 2,042 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"Experts from the Brookings Saban Center and Council on Foreign Relations propose a new, nonpartisan strategy drawing on the lessons of past failures to address short-term and long-term challenges to U.S. interests. Issues and policy recommendations cover the Arab-Israeli conflict, counterterrorism, Iran, Iraq, political and economic development, and nuclear proliferation"--Provided by publisher
Political handbook of the world by N.Y.) Political handbook of the world (New York( )

in English and held by 1,864 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The one-stop source for essential facts and analysis that illuminate every country's governmental and political status, composition and history
Congress and national security by Kay King( )

9 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,588 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

In this report, the author explores the political and institutional changes that have contributed to congressional gridlock and examines their consequences for foreign policy making. Some of these developments, she notes, are national trends that have developed over a number of decades. Successive redistricting efforts, for example, have all but eliminated interparty competition in some House districts, leaving the real competition to the primaries and the most ideologically driven voters. King further notes that the rising cost of elections has increased the time devoted to fundraising at the expense of substantive priorities, and the twenty-four hour news cycle has decreased the time and incentive for reflective debate. More subtle, but equally important, institutional changes have likewise diminished Congress's effectiveness. A decline in committee chairmen's authority and expertise, tighter control over voting by party leaders, and the relaxation of traditional customs limiting the use of procedural tools to practical ends have all, led to a breakdown in comity. The consequences highlighted are both broad and significant, from delayed presidential appointments to a poorly coordinated budget process for critical foreign policy areas such as intelligence, diplomacy, and development
The new Arab revolt by Council on Foreign Relations( )

11 editions published in 2011 in English and held by 1,580 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The New Arab Revolt: What Happened, What It Means, and What Comes Next sets the intellectual stage for understanding the revolutions in the Middle East
Somalia : a new approach by Bronwyn E Bruton( )

9 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,565 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"Even among failed states-- those countries unable to exercise authority over their territory and provide the most basic services to their people-- Somalia stands apart. A country of some nine million, it has lacked a central government since the fall of Mohamed Siad Barre's regime in 1991. Poverty and insecurity are endemic. Less than 40 percent of Somalis are literate, more than one in ten children dies before turning five, and a person born in Somalia today cannot assume with any confidence that he or she will reach the age of fifty. Failed states provide fertile ground for terrorism, drug trafficking, and a host of other ills that threaten to spill beyond their borders. Somalia is thus a problem not just for Somalis but for the United States and the world. In particular, the specter of Somalia's providing a sanctuary for al-Qaeda has become an important concern, and piracy off Somalia's coast, which affects vital international shipping lanes, remains a menace. In this report, Bronwyn E. Bruton proposes a strategy to combat terrorism and promote development and stability in Somalia. She first outlines the recent political history involving the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) formed in 2004 and its Islamist opponents, chiefly the Shabaab, which has declared allegiance to al-Qaeda. She then analyzes U.S. interests in the country, including counterterrorism, piracy, and humanitarian concerns, as well as the prospect of broader regional instability."--Page vii
Global Brazil and U.S.-Brazil relations by Council on Foreign Relations( )

12 editions published in 2011 in English and held by 1,559 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Brazil has emerged as both a driver of growth in South America and an active force in world politics in the decade since the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) convened its first Independent Task Force on the country. During this period, Brazil has lifted nearly thirty million of its citizens out of poverty, significantly expanded its middle class, become increasingly active within multilateral institutions and international forums, and weathered the recent worldwide recession -- all in a peaceful, market-oriented, and democratic context. To be sure, Brazil is still contending with important internal concerns -- its remaining poor, the growing challenges of climate change, and its ongoing transformation from a commodity-based to an industrial economy, to name just a few. Nevertheless, the message of this report could hardly be clearer: Brazil matters not just regionally but globally. Its decisions and actions will affect the world's economy, environment, and energy future as well as prospects for diplomacy and stability. Brazil is on the short list of countries that will most shape the twenty-first century. U.S. and Brazilian foreign policy must adjust accordingly
U.S. Trade and Investment Policy by Council on Foreign Relations( )

7 editions published in 2011 in English and held by 1,500 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

One of the most effective ways to create good new jobs and reverse the income decline of the past decade is for the United States to "become a thriving trading nation," concludes a Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)-sponsored Independent Task Force report on U.S. Trade and Investment Policy. The report calls for the Obama administration and Congress to "adopt a pro-America trade policy that brings to more Americans more of the benefits of global engagement, within the framework of a strengthened, rules-based trading system." The growth of global trade and investment has brought significant benefits to the United States and to the rest of the world. But U.S. leadership on international trade has waned in recent years because of deep domestic political divisions over trade policy that arise largely from the very real economic difficulties too many Americans face, acknowledges the Task Force. The Task Force warns that the political stalemate "has already harmed U.S. interests and will do more if it remains unresolved. Unless the United States develops and sustains a trade policy that yields greater benefits for Americans in job and wage growth, it will be difficult to build the political consensus needed to move forward," says the report
The Russian economic crisis by Jeffrey Mankoff( )

6 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,479 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"This US report argues that Russia's economic crisis presents an opportunity to deepen American and European economic ties with Russia and integrate the country more firmly in the international system, something that could, over time, bring Russian and Western interests closer together."
Justice beyond The Hague : supporting the prosecution of international crimes in national courts by David Kaye( )

8 editions published in 2011 in English and held by 1,472 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

When the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established more than twenty years ago, the international community had little experience prosecuting the perpetrators of genocide, war crimes, and other atrocities. Unfortunately, there has been ample opportunity to build expertise in the intervening decades; ad hoc tribunals have been established to address past crimes in Cambodia and Sierra Leone, and a formal International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was convened in the aftermath of Rwanda's 1994 genocide. Since 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has assumed responsibility for new prosecutions, pursuing war criminals in countries unable or unwilling to bring them to justice domestically. Yet, after more than two decades of experience, the limits of these courts' capabilities are becoming clear. While they have brought some senior leaders to justice, the scope of the courts' budgets and their enquiries can never reach all -- or even most -- perpetrators of atrocities. They are physically far removed from the scenes of the crimes they are prosecuting, cannot compel evidence or conduct independent investigations, and are vulnerable to changes in funding and international political support. This book provides important insights into the strengths and limitations of current international justice mechanisms. It makes a clear case for increasing support to national legal systems and outlines a variety of ways that the U.S. government can improve and coordinate its aid with others. While there will always be a place for international courts in countries that cannot or will not prosecute perpetrators themselves, this report successfully argues that domestic systems can and should play a more meaningful role
U.S. policy toward the Korean peninsula by Council on Foreign Relations( )

4 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,385 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This Task Force report comprehensively reviews the situation on the peninsula as well as the options for U.S. policy. It provides a valuable ranking of U.S. interests, and calls for a firm commitment from the Obama administration to seek denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, backed by a combination of sanctions, incentives, and sustained political pressure, in addition to increased efforts to contain proliferation. It notes that China's participation in this effort is vital. Indeed, the report makes clear that any hope of North Korea's dismantling its nuclear program rests on China's willingness to take a strong stance. For denuclearization to proceed, China must acknowledge that the long-term hazard of a nuclear Korea is more perilous to it and the region than the short-term risk of instability. The report also recognizes that robust relations between Washington and its allies in the region, Japan and South Korea, must underpin any efforts to deal with the North Korean problem. It looks as well at regime change and scenarios that could lead to reunification of the peninsula. At the same time that the Task Force emphasizes the danger and urgency of North Korea's behavior, it recognizes and applauds the beneficial U.S. relationship with South Korea, which has proved to be a valuable economic and strategic partner. In this vein, the Task Force advocates continued close coordination with Seoul and urges prompt congressional passage of the U.S.-South Korea free trade agreement
Toward deeper reductions in U.S. and Russian nuclear weapons by Micah Zenko( )

6 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,380 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The New START Treaty, signed by presidents Barack Obama and Dmitry Medvedev in April 2010, was an important achievement. A follow-on to the 1991 START treaty, New START commits both countries to substantial reductions in their nuclear arsenals. Pending ratification, New START limits both countries to 1,550 deployed strategic nuclear warheads, far below the Cold War peak of 31,000 strategic and tactical nuclear weapons in the United States alone. Moreover, the New START treaty furthers Obama's goal of "resetting" U.S.-Russia relations. In just the past two years, the former adversaries also finalized an agreement on plutonium disposition, imposed UN sanctions against Iran in reaction to its nuclear program, and enhanced security for non-deployed tactical nuclear weapons. Despite these signs of progress, it is unwise to be complacent. Even after the implementation of the New START Treaty, Obama's goal of a "world free of nuclear weapons" will remain elusive: the United States and Russia will still command enough nuclear weapons to annihilate each other several times over. In this report, the author argues that reducing nuclear weapons stockpiles even further than New START treaty levels -- to one thousand warheads, including tactical nuclear weapons -- would be both strategically and politically advantageous. It would decrease the risk of nuclear weapons theft and nuclear attack and increase international political support for future U.S. initiatives to reduce or control nuclear warheads, all while maintaining a credible nuclear deterrent. To achieve such a significant reduction in a follow-on to the New START treaty, the United States and Russia would need to reach agreement on three long-standing and contentious issues. Tactical nuclear weapons deployments will be the most difficult of these challenges, since Russia has a much larger arsenal of tactical nuclear weapons than does the United States and will therefore bear the brunt of the tactical nuclear weapons cuts. Missile defense is the second obstacle toward further significant nuclear reductions. Much work remains to secure Moscow's cooperation on, or acceptance of, the project. Finally, the United States and Russia must reach agreement on the use of nuclear vehicles for conventional weapons. It is difficult to overstate the potential danger if either country mistook a conventional missile for a nuclear one
Social change in Latin America today, its implications for United States policy by Council on Foreign Relations( Book )

24 editions published between 1960 and 1967 in English and held by 1,346 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Under the auspices of the Council on Foreign Relations, six leading students of Latin American society analyze social forces at work in those countries in general and in particular Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Guatemala, and Mexico
The United States and India : a shared strategic future : joint study group report, 2011( )

6 editions published in 2011 in English and held by 1,334 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This is a joint report from Council on Foreign Relations and Aspen Institute India detailing policy recommendations by high-level U.S. and Indian strategists for the U.S.-India relationship
American hostages in Iran : the conduct of a crisis by Warren Christopher( Book )

2 editions published in 1985 in English and held by 1,293 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

Describes the efforts of negotiators to gain the release of the Americans held in the embassy in Iran
The artillery of the press : its influence on American foreign policy by James Reston( Book )

15 editions published between 1967 and 1996 in English and held by 1,285 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

This analysis of the influence of public officals on the press, affecting the presentation of news, is based on lectures delivered before the Council on Foreign Relations
U.S. strategy for Pakistan and Afghanistan : independent task force report by Richard Lee Armitage( )

7 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,278 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The Council on Foreign Relations sponsors Independent Task Forces to assess issues of current and critical importance to U.S. foreign policy and provide policymakers with concrete judgments and recommendations. Diverse in backgrounds and perspectives, Task Force members aim to reach a meaningful consensus on policy through private and non-partisan deliberations. Once launched, Task Forces are independent of CFR and solely responsible for the content of their reports. Task Force members are asked to join a consensus signifying that they endorse "the general policy thrust and judgments reached by the group, though not necessarily every finding and recommendation." Each Task Force member also has the option of putting forward an additional or a dissenting view. Members' affiliations are listed for identification purposes only and do not imply institutional endorsement. Task Force observers participate in discussions, but are not asked to join the consensus. --Book Jacket
A new foreign policy for the United States by Hans J Morgenthau( Book )

15 editions published in 1969 in English and held by 1,266 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

The United States in world affairs by Council on Foreign Relations( )

in English and held by 1,249 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

From Rome to Kampala : the U.S. approach to the 2010 International Criminal Court Review Conference by Vijay Padmanabhan( )

9 editions published in 2010 in English and held by 1,244 WorldCat member libraries worldwide

"The United States has long been a leading force behind international efforts to bring the perpetrators of atrocities to justice. It spearheaded the prosecution of German and Japanese officials after World War II and more recently supported tribunals to deal with events in Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, and elsewhere. Washington has kept far more distance, however, from the International Criminal Court (ICC). Although President Bill Clinton allowed U.S. negotiators to sign the Rome Statute, the agreement that established the court, he and subsequent presidents have maintained objections to elements of the court's jurisdiction and prosecutorial authority. U.S. administrations have since cooperated to varying degrees with the ICC, but the notion of ratifying the Rome Statute and joining the court has never been seriously entertained. Even as a nonmember, though, the United States has important interests at stake in the ICC's operations. On the one hand, the court can bring to justice those responsible for atrocities, something with both moral and strategic benefits. On the other hand, there are fears that the court could seek to investigate American actions and prosecute American citizens, as well as concerns that it will weaken the role of the UN Security Council (where the United States has a veto) as the preeminent arbiter of international peace and security."
 
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Global Brazil and U.S.-Brazil relations
Covers
Congress and national securitySomalia : a new approachGlobal Brazil and U.S.-Brazil relationsU.S. Trade and Investment PolicyThe Russian economic crisisJustice beyond The Hague : supporting the prosecution of international crimes in national courtsU.S. policy toward the Korean peninsulaToward deeper reductions in U.S. and Russian nuclear weapons
Alternative Names
American institute of international affairs

Beikoku Gaikō Kyōkai

C.F.R.

C.F.R. (Council on Foreign Relations)

CFR

CFR (Council on Foreign Relations)

Consiliul pentru Relații Externe

Council of Foreign Relations

Council on Foreign Relations

Council on Foreign Relations denktank in de Verenigde Staten

Council on Foreign Relations es una organización estadounidense sin ánimo de lucro especializada en política exterior.

Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.

Council on Foreign Relations Privates Institut für auswärtige Beziehungen

Council on Foreign Relations think tank (groupe de réflexion, laboratoire d'idées) américain

Council on Foreign Relations (U.S.)

Dewan Hubungan Internasional

Dış İlişkiler Konseyi Düşünce kuruluşu

Gaikō Mondai Hyōgikai

Hội đồng Quan hệ đối ngoại

Konsilio pri Eksterlandaj Rilatoj usona pensfabriko

Majlis Hubungan Luar Negeri

Mei guo wai jiao guan xi xie hui

Meiguo-Waijiao-Guanxi-Xiehui

Rada Polityki Zagranicznej.

Rada pro mezinárodní vztahy

Samtök um alþjóðasamskipti

Savet za inostrane odnose

Рада з міжнародних відносин

Савет за иностране односе

Савет па міжнародных адносінах

Совет по международным отношениям

Тĕнчери хутшăнусен канашĕ

Халықаралық қатынастар жөнiндегiкеңес

המועצה לקשרי חוץ

شورای روابط خارجی

مجلس العلاقات الخارجية خلية تفكير متخصصة في السياسة الخارجية للولايات المتحدة والعلاقات الدولية

विदेश संबंध परिषद

কাউন্সিল অন ফরেন রিলেশন্স

외교협회

ガイコウ モンダイ ヒョウギカイ

外交問題評議会

外交問題評議会 アメリカ合衆国の外交政策と国際情勢を専門とするシンクタンク

米国外交協会

美國外交關係協會

美国对外关系委员会 美国智库

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